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The Facts: Priesthood and Race in LDS History

The Facts: Priesthood and Race in LDS History

Introduction

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) teaches that God’s love and salvation are available to all people, regardless of race. Its scriptures proclaim that God created diverse races and “esteems them all equally,” for “all are alike unto God” churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Today, Latter-day Saint congregations are thoroughly integrated, and Church leaders unequivocally condemn racism in any form churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Despite this inclusive doctrine, the LDS Church for much of its history (from the mid-1800s until 1978) restricted Black members of African descent from full participation in certain sacred rites—most notably by barring Black men from priesthood ordination and Black men and women from temple ordinances churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This historical restriction on Black Africans and the priesthood has been a source of controversy, criticism, and misunderstanding. To truly understand this complex topic, one must examine all sides: the historical facts, the evolving Church perspective, the context of the times, the criticisms raised, and the Church’s current teachings. This paper provides a well-rounded, fact-based exploration of the LDS priesthood and race issue—leaning from a faithful LDS perspective while not shying away from objective truth and difficult details.

Joseph Smith’s Era: A Foundation of Inclusion

Joseph Smith, the founding prophet of the LDS Church (1830–1844), did not institute a race-based priesthood ban. On the contrary, during Joseph’s lifetime a number of Black individuals became members of the Church and a few Black men were ordained to the priesthood churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. For example, Elijah Abel (sometimes spelled Able) was a Black Latter-day Saint ordained to the Melchizedek Priesthood in 1836; he participated in temple ceremonies in Kirtland, Ohio, and later performed proxy baptisms for deceased relatives in Nauvoo churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Another Black member, Q. Walker Lewis of Massachusetts, was also an ordained elder. There is no reliable evidence that any Black man was ever denied the priesthood under Joseph Smith’s leadership churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In fact, toward the end of his life Joseph Smith openly opposed slavery, aligning with abolitionist sentiments churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. He welcomed people of all races into the Church by allowing baptism for anyone willing to accept the gospel, and the early Church had no policy of segregated congregations churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Contemporary historians affirm that the priesthood ban “did not exist” during Joseph Smith’s tenure archive.sltrib.com. Joseph even personally associated with and ordained at least a few African Americans, reflecting his stance that God “denieth none” who come unto Him archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

It is important to note the broader context of race in early 19th-century America. The Church was established in 1830 in a nation where slavery was still legal in the South, and racist attitudes were common virtually everywhere among white Americans churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Many contemporary Christian churches were segregated by race churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Joseph Smith’s relative inclusivity was remarkable for his time. He advocated for the gradual emancipation of enslaved people and espoused equality in a period when the U.S. Supreme Court would later infamously declare that Black people had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect” (Dred Scott, 1857) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This is not to say early Latter-day Saints were completely free of the racial prejudices of their day, but Joseph’s actions set a precedent that, initially, church membership and even priesthood ordination were open to all worthy men, regardless of race churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

The Origin of the Priesthood Ban under Brigham Young

After Joseph Smith’s death in 1844, the Church’s leadership fell to Brigham Young, who led the Latter-day Saints’ migration to Utah. In 1852, Brigham Young publicly announced a new policy: men of Black African descent were no longer to be ordained to the LDS priesthood churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This marked the clear beginning of the priesthood restriction. That same year, Brigham Young—who was by then both Church President and territorial governor—addressed the Utah territorial legislature. He declared the policy of priesthood denial for Black males even as the territory passed laws permitting a form of Black “servitude” churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. It appears Brigham Young was influenced by widespread racial ideas of his era, including the belief that Africans were under the biblical “curse” of Cain and/or Ham, which supposedly marked them with dark skin churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Brigham echoed these justifications when instituting the ban, ascribing it in part to God’s curse on Cain and the lineage of Cain through Ham’s son Canaan churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Such notions were commonplace in 19th-century America and used by many to rationalize slavery and segregation churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In Brigham’s worldview (shared by many contemporaries), persons of African descent were seen as a cursed lineage who would have to wait for certain blessings.

Despite implementing this restriction, Brigham Young also prophesied that it would not be permanent. In the same speeches where he announced the ban, he stated that at a future date Black Church members would “have all the privilege and more” enjoyed by other members churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In other words, Brigham believed Black Saints would eventually receive every blessing, including priesthood and temple rites, at some future time determined by the Lord. This forward-looking caveat is significant: it indicates that even as the ban began, there was an expectation (at least by Brigham Young and subsequent leaders) that God’s “long-promised day” for full inclusion would one day come churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Indeed, later Church presidents like Heber J. Grant and David O. McKay privately affirmed their view that the restriction was temporary and would be lifted by revelation at the proper time en.wikipedia.org[2].

Why did Brigham Young initiate the ban? The exact rationale was never canonized as doctrine, and no revelatory document from that time exists mandating it. Rather, Brigham appears to have acted in line with the racial attitudes and pressures of the 1850s. Some background: the Utah Territory in 1852 was grappling with the question of slavery because a number of Latter-day Saint converts from the American South had brought enslaved people to Utah churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Brigham Young and the Utah legislature legalized a form of indentured servitude (believing it more humane than outright slavery) even as Brigham announced the priesthood ban churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The ban may have been an effort to reconcile pro-slavery settlers or to prevent sociopolitical conflict, reflecting a desire to appease pro-slavery attitudes while distinguishing Utah from the slaveholding South. In any case, church records and historical analysis make clear that the ban was implemented under Brigham Young’s leadership—not Joseph Smith’sarchive.sltrib.comarchive.sltrib.com. Modern LDS scholars and the Church itself acknowledge that Brigham Young was influenced by “common beliefs of the time” regarding racial inferiority, and thus the origin of the ban was more rooted in 19th-century racism than in divine revelation archive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com.

Life Under the Priesthood Ban: Policies and Theories (1852–1978)

For over a century after 1852, the LDS Church continued to teach the gospel to people of all races (anyone could be baptized a member), but Black members of African descent faced specific restrictions. Black men could be baptized and receive the gift of the Holy Ghost, but they were not permitted to be ordained to any office in the lay priesthood (which in the LDS Church is normally conferred on virtually all worthy male members) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In addition, Black men and women of African descent were not allowed to participate in temple ordinances such as the endowment or eternal marriage sealings churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. These temple rites are considered essential LDS sacraments for the fullest blessings of salvation. Thus, the ban had profound spiritual and practical implications: faithful Black Latter-day Saints could not hold church leadership positions requiring priesthood, and Black families could not be sealed in LDS temples for eternity during that era.

Throughout this period, many devoted Black Latter-day Saints still found ways to contribute and remain loyal to their faith. Notably, a few Black men who had been ordained before the ban continued to hold their priesthood. Elijah Abel himself remained a member in good standing and even served several missions; however, when he requested permission in 1879 to receive his temple endowment, that request was denied due to the racial policy churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Another early Black member, Jane Manning James, who had been a close friend and servant in Joseph Smith’s household and later crossed the plains to Utah, repeatedly petitioned to enter the temple. She was only allowed limited access (performing baptisms for the dead on behalf of her ancestors) but was barred from other ordinances like the endowment during her lifetime churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. These examples underscore the painful reality of the ban for Black Latter-day Saints, who exhibited tremendous faith and patience despite being restricted from the full blessings available to others.

During the decades of the ban, numerous theories circulated among Church members and leaders to explain or justify it. It’s crucial to understand that none of these explanations were ever canonized as official doctrine, and the Church today explicitly disavows them churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. But historically, they influenced LDS folklore and attitudes. Among the prominent theories were:

Curse of Cain/Ham: The notion that Black Africans carried the “mark of Cain” for Cain’s ancient sin of murdering Abel, as well as the idea that Noah’s grandson Canaan (son of Ham) was cursed with servitude and blackness churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This theory supposed that this divine curse made Black people ineligible for priesthood until God removed the curse. Variations of this claim were commonly taught or assumed in early Mormonism and mirrored Protestant American beliefs about Africans’ destiny churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Less Valiant in Premortal Life: By the early 20th century, another idea gained currency—that Black people had been “less valiant” in the premortal existence, meaning that in the pre-earth life (when spirits ostensibly chose sides in a war in heaven) Black souls did not fight as fervently for God’s plan and thus were born into lineages banned from priesthood as a consequence churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This was a speculative attempt to fit the ban into LDS theology of a premortal life.

Interracial Marriage and Racial Purity: Some leaders taught that God forbade interracial marriages (miscegenation) and that maintaining the ban helped prevent such unions, or that mixing lineages was against divine law. For instance, well into the 20th century, church leaders like Elder Mark E. Petersen argued against interracial dating, reflecting broader societal taboos of the time.

Patriarchal Lineage Explanations: In LDS belief, priesthood was seen as following lineage of certain biblical tribes. Some suggested Black Africans were not eligible because they weren’t of the line of Israel or had a separate lineage (though this was inconsistent with other non-Israelite groups receiving priesthood).

These theories were often presented as possible reasons for God’s will, but they were not revealed truths. Significantly, LDS prophets from the mid-20th century onward questioned these folk doctrines and over time repudiated them. Today the Church has forcefully stated that black skin is not a divine curse, there was no premortal misdeed by Black souls, interracial marriage is not a sin, and no race is inferior to another churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. All past justifications for the ban are disavowed as the products of racism and speculation, not of revealed doctrine archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Through the years of the ban, church leaders themselves were sometimes uncertain and divided about its origin and status. Importantly, many early Latter-day Saints (especially after Brigham Young’s time) mistakenly assumed the ban had originated with Joseph Smith and thus must have been God’s will from the start en.wikipedia.org[2]. This widespread assumption made it difficult to reconsider the policy—after all, if a prophet (Joseph) had established it by command of God, who were they to reverse it without an equally clear divine mandate? However, by the 1960s-1970s, scholarly research (notably by LDS scholar Lester E. Bush in 1973) demonstrated that no evidence of a priesthood ban existed before 1852, strongly suggesting that Joseph Smith did not originate it en.wikipedia.org[2]. This historical finding “made it easier” for Church leaders to contemplate change en.wikipedia.org[2]—essentially realizing that the ban was a policy implemented under specific historical conditions, rather than an eternal, unchangeable doctrine.

Growing Pressures and Steps Toward Change in the 20th Century

By the mid-20th century, societal attitudes on race were shifting and the LDS Church found itself increasingly at odds with the emerging ethos of racial equality. The Civil Rights Movement brought intense scrutiny. External pressures mounted: the NAACP and other civil rights groups in the 1960s publicly protested the Church’s racial policy. In 1963, to preempt a planned NAACP protest at LDS General Conference, an LDS apostle (Hugh B. Brown) issued a statement supporting civil rights and human dignity en.wikipedia.org[2]. Throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s, there were high-profile boycotts and demonstrations—for example, Black athletes at various universities refused to compete against teams from BYU due to the Church’s discrimination en.wikipedia.org[2]. In 1974, protests arose over the Church’s policy disallowing Black Boy Scouts from serving in LDS scout troops as leaders en.wikipedia.org[2]. The Church’s growth also meant more global attention, and its stance on race became a missionary obstacle and a public relations challenge.

Internal challenges were also significant. The Church was expanding into areas like Brazil, the South Pacific, and eventually Africa—regions with racially mixed populations or Black majorities. This posed practical problems: How could one determine who had “African” ancestry sufficient to be barred? In places like Brazil where interracial mixing was extensive, implementing the ban consistently was nearly impossible en.wikipedia.org[2]. For years, in South Africa, the Church had required priesthood candidates to trace their genealogy to ensure no Black African lineage churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. President David O. McKay (Church president 1951–1970) found this unworkable: in 1954, while visiting South Africa, he changed the policy to presume a person was eligible unless known otherwise (essentially reversing the burden of proof) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. He also clarified that the ban applied only to those of Black African descent—other dark-skinned peoples (e.g., Polynesians, Fijians, Australian Aboriginals) were never barred from priesthood churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Under McKay, the Church even began missionary work in Fiji and elsewhere among non-African dark-skinned peoples, underscoring that the restriction was tied specifically to African lineage churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

President McKay is a pivotal figure because he wrestled with the ban on principle. He stated that it was a “policy” not doctrine (though in LDS practice the line between those can blur), and he sincerely sought divine guidance on whether it could be lifted churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. McKay prayed repeatedly for a revelation to end the restriction but reported that he “did not feel impressed” to lift it at that time churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Essentially, McKay felt he could not change it without an unmistakable revelatory mandate. Other apostles concurred that only a clear revelation could alter such a long-standing policy. In 1969, the LDS apostles actually took a vote on rescinding the ban (reflecting a growing sense that change was needed), and a majority favored doing so—but one senior apostle, Harold B. Lee, objected that procedurally, it required a revelation. Lee’s position prevailed and no action was taken; he later became Church president himself (1972–73) and did not lift the ba nen.wikipedia.org[2].

Meanwhile, the Church’s worldwide mission to “teach all nations” (Matthew 28:19) felt increasingly incompatible with a policy that excluded certain races from full fellowship churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Key developments in the 1970s underscored this: in Brazil, the Church had flourished among people of mixed ancestry—so much so that a temple was announced for São Paulo in 1975. As construction progressed, church leaders encountered faithful Brazilian members (some with African lineage unknown or known) who had sacrificed to build the temple but would not be allowed to enter it once completed under the existing rules churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This moral contradiction weighed heavily. Additionally, in West Africa (Nigeria and Ghana), thousands of sincere individuals had discovered Mormonism and were living its teachings, waiting for the Church to formally establish itself there churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The Church hesitated to organize fully in those nations because of the ban—how could they preach a gospel of Christ to these nations yet tell converts they could not receive priesthood or temple blessings? By the mid-1970s, it became clear that the growth and global mandate of the Church were being hampered by the ban churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Church leaders like Spencer W. Kimball (who became Church president in 1973) felt increasing spiritual urgency to resolve the issue.

In summary, three major forces converged by the 1970s:

Social Pressure and Moral Scrutiny: The civil rights era made the Church’s exclusion of Blacks a moral outlier; protests and public criticism brought unwanted attention.

Practical Administrative Difficulties: As the Church globalized (Brazil, Africa, the Caribbean, etc.), determining who was “Black African” became untenable and the ban impeded missionary work.

Prophetic Re-evaluation: Top LDS leaders prayerfully reconsidered the scriptural and historical basis (or lack thereof) for the ban. Research showing Joseph Smith’s lack of involvement helped them see it as changeable. Leaders like Spencer W. Kimball were deeply sympathetic to the plight of Black members and were motivated by a conviction that the gospel should be for “every nation, kindred, tongue, and people” without restriction churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

The 1978 Revelation and Official Declaration 2

By early 1978, Spencer W. Kimball—who had long been a compassionate advocate for all people—was intensely focused on seeking the Lord’s will regarding the priesthood ban. He spent many hours in private prayer and temple meditation on the subject en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. President Kimball even requested studies from apostles on the scriptural basis (or lack thereof) of the ban; notably, Elder Bruce R. McConkie produced a memo acknowledging no clear scriptural impediment to change en.wikipedia.org[2]. In Kimball’s heart grew a firm assurance that “the time had come” for the promised day of inclusion en.wikipedia.org[2].

On June 1, 1978, President Kimball convened a special meeting in the Salt Lake Temple with his counselors and available members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles en.wikipedia.org[2]. He shared with them his feelings, the spiritual promptings he’d received, and proposed that they unite in prayer to seek a divine confirmation. One by one, each apostle expressed support for lifting the ban—a remarkable consensus that had built up through the preceding months en.wikipedia.org[2]. They then joined together in a sacred prayer circle with President Kimball as voice, pleading for heavenly direction en.wikipedia.org[2]. What happened next is something those present described in awe for the rest of their lives: God answered with a powerful spiritual manifestation. Multiple apostles testified of feeling the Holy Spirit pour over them, giving unmistakable confirmation that the ban should be lifted en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. Elder McConkie said “the Holy Ghost descended upon us and we knew that God had manifested his will”—an experience beyond any he’d had before en.wikipedia.org[2]. Elder L. Tom Perry likened it to a “rushing of wind” that filled the room, leaving President Kimball visibly relieved and overjoyed en.wikipedia.org[2]. Elder Gordon B. Hinckley (who would later become Church President) described it as if “a conduit opened between the heavenly throne and the kneeling, pleading prophet”—an utterly sacred moment churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. There was no doubt among them that the Lord had spoken and given His approval to end the restriction newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

A week later, on June 8, 1978, the First Presidency (Kimball and his counselors) released an official letter to the Church announcing that “he (the Lord) has heard our prayers, and by revelation has confirmed that the long-promised day has come”—henceforth, “all of our brethren who are worthy may receive the priesthood,” regardless of race churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This landmark document, now known as Official Declaration 2, also made clear that all worthy members could receive temple blessings as well churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The announcement was greeted with overwhelming joy and relief among Latter-day Saints around the world churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Many members (of all races) wept and rejoiced, feeling a heavy burden of uncertainty and division being lifted churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The news made headlines nationwide, appearing on front pages and network news broadcasts en.wikipedia.org[2]. In the LDS communities of Utah and beyond, telephone lines were jammed with excited callers sharing the glad tidings en.wikipedia.org[2].

In October 1978, the Church’s general conference unanimously ratified the revelation, and Official Declaration 2 was added to the Doctrine and Covenants (one of the LDS canonized scriptures) en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. Although the text of the revelation itself (the spiritual experience in the temple) was not released, the official declaration presented it as the will of the Lord. It states that Jesus Christ, by revelation, confirmed that the time had come for every faithful, worthy man to receive the priesthood en.wikipedia.org[2]. Since then, Latter-day Saints commonly refer to this event as “the revelation on the priesthood.”

The aftermath of the 1978 revelation was immediate integration and further growth. Black men in the Church were ordained to the priesthood within days of the announcement; Black Latter-day Saints entered temples around the world soon after churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The Church moved forward to establish units in West Africa, where large numbers of people were ready to join. In 1978, one of the first Black converts in the U.S., Brother Joseph Freeman, was ordained and later became the first Black man to officiate in an LDS temple. Over time, barriers in missionary work fell away—missionaries no longer had to screen for African ancestry or avoid teaching people of certain races en.wikipedia.org[2]. The Church could truly preach the gospel “to every creature,” consistent with its teachings that God is no respecter of persons.

Crucially, LDS leaders also recognized that previous statements about race now needed correction. In a remarkable show of humility, Elder Bruce R. McConkie—who before 1978 had himself taught some of the now-discarded theories—told members that new revelation had supplanted all old assumptions. “Forget everything that I have said, or what President Brigham Young or… anyone else has said… that is contrary to the present revelation,” McConkie urged. “We spoke with a limited understanding… We have now had added a new flood of intelligence and light on this subject, and it erases all the darkness and all the views of the past” en.wikipedia.org[2]. In other words, prior teachings or conjectures about Black people and the priesthood “don’t matter anymore” in the light of God’s revealed will en.wikipedia.org[2]. This was a clear directive to let go of racist folklore and embrace the unity of God’s family.

The 1978 revelation is often likened by Latter-day Saints to the New Testament story of Peter’s revelation to take the gospel to the Gentiles (Acts 10)—a divine course-correction opening blessings to a group previously excluded. Church President Gordon B. Hinckley later testified that the 1978 event was undoubtedly “the mind and the will of the Lord”, recalling that sacred moment in the temple with reverence newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

Modern LDS Teachings on Race and Equality

In the decades since 1978, the LDS Church has worked to eliminate racism and make full inclusion a reality within its culture. The official stance today is one of total equality of races before God. In 2013, the Church published a comprehensive essay, “Race and the Priesthood,” which candidly acknowledged the ban’s history and disavowed previous justifications as rooted in racism rather than revelation archive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com. The Church affirmed that it “condemns all racism, past and present, in any form” archive.sltrib.com. It also clarified that the Church has no doctrine of curse or inferiority associated with skin color, and taught that God does not judge or favor His children on the basis of race churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This essay effectively “drained the ban of revelatory significance,” portraying it as a product of its time that eventually had to be corrected archive.sltrib.com. Scholars observed that this frank approach represented a maturation for the Church, aligning its narrative with historical truth and Gospel principles archive.sltrib.com.

Church leaders have repeatedly echoed these sentiments. For instance, in a notable sermon in 2006, President Gordon B. Hinckley deplored any lingering racial prejudice, declaring: “No man who makes disparaging remarks concerning those of another race can consider himself a true disciple of Christ. … There is no basis for racial hatred among the priesthood of this Church.” newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3]. He reminded the congregation that the 1978 revelation was rejoiced in, and that the gospel leaves no room for racism. More recently, Church President Russell M. Nelson (the current prophet) has actively reached out to leaders of the Black community and spoken of building bridges of respect and charity. In 2020, amid racial turmoil in the United States, President Nelson stated on social media: “We abhor racism… any sense of superiority of one race over another. Today I call upon our members everywhere to lead out in abandoning attitudes and actions of prejudice.” Such statements reinforce that anti-racism is now the expectation within the Church.

The membership of the Church today reflects increasing diversity. Since 1978, hundreds of thousands of individuals of African descent have joined the LDS Church churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Thriving congregations exist in Africa, the Caribbean, Brazil, and throughout the world, led by local priesthood holders of all races. In 2019, Elder Peter M. Johnson became the first African-American General Authority (a senior leadership position) and many Black Latter-day Saints serve in prominent roles. In Africa, where the Church has grown rapidly, multiple temples now dot the continent—a visible symbol that all blessings of the faith are available to everyone.

Most importantly, LDS theology emphasizes that through Jesus Christ, all humanity can be “one”. The Book of Mormon verse often quoted states that the Lord “denieth none that come unto him, black and white, bond and free… all are alike unto God” (2 Nephi 26:33) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The New Testament similarly teaches that God is “no respecter of persons” (Acts 10:34) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. These scriptural foundations underpin the modern Church’s stance: the true value of a soul has nothing to do with race. Any attitudes or practices that suggest otherwise are contrary to the Gospel of Christ.

Addressing Criticisms and Misconceptions

Criticism 1: “Joseph Smith or God instituted the ban, so the Church was following God’s will in being racist.”

Fact Check: This claim is not supported by historical evidence. As shown above, Joseph Smith did not start a priesthood ban—he ordained Black men and preached against slavery churchofjesuschrist.org[1] archive.sltrib.com. The ban began under Brigham Young in 1852, influenced by worldly racismarchive.sltrib.com. The Church today acknowledges the ban’s origins lay in cultural biases of that era, not an explicit commandment from Godarchive.sltrib.com. For faithful Latter-day Saints, this means the restriction was a policy allowed by God for a time, rather than a revealed eternal doctrine. In LDS belief, God sometimes allows His children (and even His Church leaders) to operate within the limitations of their environment until a greater light and knowledge is received (comparable to how ancient Israel operated under the law of Moses until Christ introduced a higher law). The 1978 revelation is understood as the moment when God definitively made His will known that all should be included—a course correction akin to Peter’s revelation to take the gospel to the Gentiles. Rather than seeing the ban as divine will, the Church sees the ending of the ban as divine will. President Kimball and the apostles specifically sought a revelation because they did not assume the policy was sacrosanct; they wanted God’s clear direction churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Criticism 2: “The LDS Church was just flat-out racist and only abandoned the ban due to public pressure or threats (not true revelation).”

Fact Check: There is no question that racist assumptions influenced many past Church leaders—the Church readily admits this and condemns past racism archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. However, the claim that external pressure alone caused the 1978 change oversimplifies what happened. In truth, decades of external pressure (1930s–1970s) did not by themselves move the Church to act. The Church had endured criticism and even costs (e.g., public boycotts) for years, yet leaders remained firm that only a divine revelation could legitimately end the policy en.wikipedia.org[2]. In fact, the ban was lifted after the height of civil rights activism, not during its peak—by 1978, social pressure had somewhat subsided compared to the 1960s. What truly catalyzed the change was a combination of practical church growth needs and, fundamentally, spiritual seeking by the prophet. President Spencer W. Kimball was deeply troubled by the dissonance between the Church’s universal message and the exclusion of Blacks churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. He wore out his knees in prayer about it. The historical record (including diaries and statements from those present) affirms that Kimball and the apostles experienced a profound revelatory event on June 1, 1978 en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. LDS leaders consistently testify that this change came by divine revelation, not merely by human decision. President Kimball presented the matter for divine approval even when a majority of apostles were inclined to change—underscoring his desire to have God’s confirmation rather than caving to opinion en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. In LDS belief, this makes a crucial difference: it was God’s church to direct. The overwhelming joy and spiritual outpouring reported by those in 1978 and by members worldwide is seen by believers as evidence of God’s hand. Even some outside observers, while skeptical of prophetic claims, have noted that the Church structure and culture required a spiritual solution to this issue, not just a policy tweak. In short, yes, public pressure and the moral zeitgeist set the stage, but the Church maintains that only revelation—not rebellion—ended the ban newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

Criticism 3: “Mormon leaders taught racist doctrines before 1978, so how can they be prophets? Why trust a church that promoted racism?”

Fact Check: It is an undeniable fact that some past LDS leaders made racist statements that are disturbing to read now. Quotes from Brigham Young, Joseph Fielding Smith, Mark E. Petersen, and others reflecting theories of Black inferiority or curses are often cited by critics. The LDS Church today agrees that those ideas were wrong. It has explicitly rejected the previous teachings that were used to justify the ban archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This renunciation is essentially an admission that those leaders were speaking from limited human understanding, not from divine revelation, on this topic. Latter-day Saints reconcile this by understanding that prophets are mortals who (except when moved upon by the Holy Spirit) can err in cultural opinions.

LDS scripture does not teach prophetic infallibility; indeed, prophets have historically made mistakes (e.g., biblical figures like Peter showed bias until corrected—see Galatians 2:11-14). What matters in Mormon belief is that when the Lord does speak, His authorized servants follow that direction. In 1978, the living prophet and apostles demonstrated humility and willingness to set aside all prior teachings once God’s will was revealed. Elder Bruce R. McConkie’s instruction to “forget everything” said before that was contrary to the new revelation encapsulates this stance en.wikipedia.org[2]. That may be unsatisfying to some, but to Church members it shows that the Church can receive new light and adjust, which is a core tenet of a living church led by ongoing revelation. In evaluating the prophetic gift, Latter-day Saints look at the totality of a prophet’s teachings and the fruits thereof. Spencer W. Kimball’s courageous pursuit of the 1978 revelation is seen as a fruit of true prophetic leadership, correcting a past wrong. The Church also believes that God will judge past leaders by the knowledge and context they had—many spoke paternalistically but may not have fully grasped the hurt caused. What’s clear now is that racism of any kind is sinful and contrary to God’s will, and any past statements otherwise were in error. Modern prophets have borne strong witness of this truth newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3]. In sum, while past leaders said things that we now condemn, LDS belief holds that prophetic authority is still valid—prophets are divinely authorized but not omniscient, and revelation unfolds progressively (“line upon line, precept upon precept”).

Criticism 4: “Why hasn’t the LDS Church issued a formal apology for the priesthood ban?”

Fact Check: This is a question even many faithful Latter-day Saints have pondered. It is true that the Church as an institution has not formally apologized for the ban or the past racism associated with it en.wikipedia.org[2]. Some other religious organizations (e.g., the Catholic Church, Southern Baptist Convention) have issued apologies for past racism or segregation. The LDS Church’s approach has been slightly different: rather than an apology, it has issued powerful acknowledgments and condemnations of the past policy and its premises. The 2013 Race and the Priesthood essay, for example, essentially said the ban was wrong-headed and hurtful, even if it stopped short of the word “sorry.”

Church leaders have expressed regret and sorrow for the pain caused. For instance, in 2018 at the 40th anniversary of the revelation, Elder Dallin H. Oaks (now First Counselor in the First Presidency) reflected on the “hurt” that the restriction caused and urged members to “heed the commandment to love one another” and move forward in unity en.wikipedia.org[2]. He also noted that the reasons for the ban were not fully known and that the Lord “rarely gives reasons” for commandments, implying that sometimes we are simply tested by things we don’t understand en.wikipedia.org[2]. The lack of a formal apology may be due to several factors: (1) a concern that apologizing for a past policy implemented by revered prophets could shake members’ faith in prophetic leadership; (2) a belief that the 1978 revelation and subsequent statements speak for themselves in correcting the injustice; or (3) a desire to focus on the future rather than rehash the past. That said, nothing doctrinal prevents an apology, and some LDS leaders (in personal capacities) have made reconciliatory gestures. For example, President Gordon B. Hinckley, in a meeting with a Black congregation in 2006, personally apologized for any pain caused by past racism blacklatterdaysaints.org patheos.com[4].

Ultimately, whether an official apology comes or not, the Church’s emphasis has been on changing hearts and ensuring such discrimination never recurs. From a believer’s perspective, the sincerest form of apology is in the Church’s actions: vigorously rooting out racism among its membership and leadership, which it continues to strive to do.

In weighing these criticisms, one must remember that the LDS Church today stands firmly for racial equality and unity. The journey from 19th-century attitudes to current teachings has been one of significant transformation—what one historian called “another step in the maturation” of the faitharchive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com. It requires Latter-day Saints to reconcile faith in prophetic guidance with the reality of human influence. Many have found resolution in trusting that God, in His own time, set right what needed to be set right, and that the Restored Church is capable of growth and repentance. The objective truth is that the priesthood ban was an error born of prejudice; the faithful LDS perspective is that God allowed it for a time for His own purposes (known or unknown) and then, when the time was right, He corrected it through revelation.

Conclusion

The history of the LDS Church’s priesthood and race policy is a sobering example of how divine principles can be obscured by mortal traditions—and how truth prevails through continuing revelation. For 126 years, Black Latter-day Saints bore a heavy burden with grace and faith, looking forward to the day of inclusion. That day arrived in 1978, which stands as a testament that, in the LDS view, the Lord leads His Church in His own due time. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints today affirms that the worth of souls is great in the sight of God—all souls, without exception. It teaches that God “hath made of one blood all nations” (Acts 17:26) and that no person should be denied any blessing because of color or ethnicity churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

By confronting its past, the Church has learned vital lessons. It has publicly disavowed past folklore and racism churchofjesuschrist.org[1], and in doing so, it offers a message of repentance and hope. The narrative of priesthood and race is now presented openly, not to blame past generations, but to ensure that such errors are not repeated. Members are taught to examine any cultural or personal prejudices and root them out, for one cannot be a true disciple of Christ while harboring racism newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3]. In recent years, the Church has partnered with the NAACP and other groups to further racial harmony, showing its commitment to live the principle that “[God] denieth none that come unto Him” churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

For those struggling with this chapter of LDS history, it is hoped that this comprehensive exploration provides clarity. The objective facts show a church grappling with the paradox of divine gospel and human weakness. The LDS perspective finds resolution in a God who ultimately “will have all men to come unto him” and who requires His followers to overcome prejudice. The Church professes that it is “bound by the Lord”—meaning it moves according to revelation. Sometimes, as in this case, waiting on the Lord’s timing tested patience and compassion. But when that timing was fulfilled, the result was a profound affirmation that God’s love is for everyone—with the Church leadership, membership, and doctrine finally aligned with that eternal truth.

In sum, the priesthood and race issue in Mormonism teaches that while institutions and people may falter, truth and righteousness have the power to triumph over tradition. The LDS Church today wants the world to understand that any notions of racial hierarchy were wrong and are not part of what it stands for. It declares with prophetic clarity that “anyone who is righteous—regardless of race—is favored of [God]” churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. All are invited to partake of every blessing the Lord offers. With this understanding, Latter-day Saints strive to move forward as one family of God, healed by Christ’s love, and united in the knowledge that indeed “black and white, bond and free”—and all shades in between—are alike unto God churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Sources:

Gospel Topics Essay: “Race and the Priesthood,” The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

The Salt Lake Tribune, “Mormon church traces black priesthood ban to Brigham Young,” Peggy Fletcher Stack (Dec. 2013) archive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com.

Minutes of Utah Territorial Legislature, Jan–Feb 1852 (Brigham Young’s speeches) as cited in Gospel Topics essay churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Lester E. Bush Jr., “Mormonism’s Negro Doctrine: An Historical Overview,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 8:1 (1973), and Newell G. Bringhurst, Saints, Slaves, and Blacks (1981)—scholarly works establishing the ban’s origin with Brigham Young.

Gregory A. Prince, David O. McKay and the Rise of Modern Mormonism (2005)—discusses McKay’s attempts to change the policy churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Edward L. Kimball, “Spencer W. Kimball and the Revelation on Priesthood,” BYU Studies 47:2 (2008)—details the events leading to the 1978 revelation en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2].

Official Declaration 2 (1978), Doctrine and Covenants—the formal announcement of the revelation ending the ban churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Bruce R. McConkie, “All Are Alike Unto God,” speech Aug. 1978—instructing members to discard previous racist teachings en.wikipedia.org[2].

Gordon B. Hinckley, “The Need for Greater Kindness,” Conference talk, Apr. 2006—denouncing racial intolerance among Church members newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

Dallin H. Oaks, remarks at 40th Anniversary of the Revelation, June 2018—acknowledging pain of pre-1978 policy and urging unity en.wikipedia.org[2].

These sources and the LDS Church’s own statements make it clear that while the Church’s past on racial matters is complicated and regrettable, its present and future are focused on living the truth that God’s priesthood and blessings are for every one of His children. The Church asks its members and the public to judge it by its fruits today—by the lives of Latter-day Saints who strive to love one another without regard to race, truly modeling the belief that we are all brothers and sisters in the family of God.

Footnotes

  1. https://www.churchofjesuschrist.org/study/manual/gospel-topics-essays/race-and-the-priesthood?lang=eng ↩︎
  2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1978_Revelation_on_Priesthood ↩︎
  3. https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/background-information/president-gordon-b-hinckley-on-racial-intolerance ↩︎
  4. https://www.patheos.com/latter-day-saint/pastor-to-pastor-margaret-blair-young-09-18-2012?p=2 ↩︎

 

RFM Discredited about LDS Racism – Again!

RFM Discredited about LDS Racism – Again!

Podcast: Radio Free Mormon • Episode: #434 • Category: Doctrinal / Historical / Reputational • Prepared: January 7, 2026

Summary (Bottom Line Up Front)

The transcript alleges (1) the Church “systematically” changes African-language Book of Mormon passages to remove “skin of blackness,” and (2) Selections-editions intentionally omit 2 Nephi 5:21 to “hide” racism. Word-for-word checks against the Church’s Gospel Library show that complete African translations (e.g., Yorùbá and Twi) do include 2 Nephi 5:21 and render “skin of blackness/darkness” unambiguously. Core verdict: Claims about altered wording in complete African translations are False; concerns about Selections stopping at v.20 are Accurate as to fact but misleading in motive attribution. See the Evaluation tables per segment below for detail.


Segment 1

Claim: The Church is “systematically changing” African-language translations to remove 2 Nephi 5:21

“…make it so it didn’t say skin of darkness… whether this is the church doing this intentionally in order to fool black people into joining the Mormon church… What would you think if I told you the LDS church is systematically changing the language of the Book of Mormon in African languages to remove the teaching that black skin is a curse from God?”

Speaker: Host (Radio Free Mormon) • Timestamp: 00:02:16–00:03:24

Core Claim

The Church intentionally alters wording in African-language complete translations (not just Selections) so that 2 Nephi 5:21 no longer states “skin of blackness/darkness.”

Logical Questions

  • Do current complete African translations include 2 Nephi 5:21?
  • How do Yorùbá and Twi actually render the key phrase?
  • Is there evidence of systematic avoidance in the complete (non‑Selections) editions?

Core Rebuttal (Textual Checks)

  • Yorùbá (Nigeria, full translation): 2 Nephi 5 shows v.21 and reads “àwọ̀ ara dúdú” (“black skin/skin of blackness”). See chapter page, v.21 line.
  • Twi (Akuapem) (Ghana, full translation): 2 Nephi 5 shows v.21 with the clause that their flesh/skin became black.
  • These complete translations retain the contested phrase. The transcript itself ultimately concedes the rumor about complete African translations “appears to be false.”

Doctrinal anchor: The Church’s Gospel Topics materials reaffirm that God “denieth none … black and white … all are alike unto God” (2 Nephi 26:33), directly rejecting any racist soteriology.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:02:16 00:03:24 Church “systematically changing” African translations to remove “skin of blackness.” False Complete African translations (Yorùbá, Twi) include 2 Nephi 5:21 with the “blackness” wording; transcript later concedes rumor is false. Yorùbá 2 Nephi 5:21; Twi 2 Nephi 5:21; Transcript admission.

Bottom Line

The allegation of systematic alteration in complete African translations is refuted by the texts themselves and by the presenter’s own later correction.

Segment 2

Claim: Selections editions uniquely stop 2 Nephi 5 at v.20 to avoid v.21 (“skin of blackness”)

“…there’s only one exception in the selections version where they do not translate an entire chapter. That one exception is 2 Nephi 5… when you get to verse 20, everything’s fine… it’s right at verse 20 that the selections versions … stop immediately. It doesn’t go to verse 21 or anything beyond…”

Speaker: Host • Timestamp: 00:03:24–00:04:23

Core Claim

Selections editions in certain languages publish 2 Nephi 5 only up to v.20, omitting v.21 and following.

What the record shows

  • Ekegusii (Gusii, Kenya) — Gospel Library page for 2 Nephi 5 in the Selections edition displays verses through v.20; no v.21 is present.
  • Quiché/K’iche’ (Guatemala) — Identified historically as a Selections language; 2 Nephi 5 shown through v.20.
Context: Some of the Church’s languages are Selections (roughly ⅓–½ of the book) used as a preliminary translation until full editions are completed.

Core Rebuttal (Intent vs. Format)

  • The fact of stopping at v.20 in certain Selections is accurate (e.g., Ekegusii).
  • The motive (intentional deception) is not proven. The Church’s published translation program describes Selections as provisional, not doctrinally redacted, and many languages later receive full editions including the contested verses.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:03:24 00:04:23 Selections editions stop at 2 Nephi 5:20, omitting v.21. True (Fact) / Not Provable (Intent) Demonstrated in Ekegusii page; however, the broader inference of deceptive intent lacks evidence given the stated purpose of Selections and subsequent full translations. Ekegusii 2 Nephi 5 (to v.20); Translation program overview.

Bottom Line

The stopping point at v.20 in certain Selections is real, but standing alone it does not establish deceptive intent. The same Church system simultaneously publishes full African translations that include v.21 (e.g., Yorùbá, Twi).

Segment 3

Claim: Twi/Yorùbá “change” 2 Nephi 5:21 to avoid “skin of blackness” (e.g., “flesh cut off,” “dark,” etc.)

“…in Yorùbá… it says that the Lord God did cause a blackness to come upon them… in Twi … the translation … says that… the Lord God caused that their flesh should be cut off… red alert… Let’s look closer…”

Speaker: Host • Timestamp: 00:26:06–00:27:46

Core Claim

Complete African translations (Twi, Yorùbá) avoid the “skin of blackness” language by rendering it differently or nonsensically.

Textual Check

  • Yorùbá: v.21 contains “àwọ̀ ara dúdú” (black skin).
  • Twi (Akuapem): v.21 includes wording that, when properly parsed (not via whole‑verse machine translation), expresses that their flesh/skin became black (not “cut off”).

Core Rebuttal

  • Machine‑translation of entire complex verses produced spurious outputs (e.g., “hack your skin off”). The transcript later acknowledges the “complete translations in African languages” rumor “appears to be false.”
  • Therefore, no evidence shows that complete Twi/Yorùbá editions “change” the doctrine by removing “skin of blackness/darkness.”

Evaluation Table

Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Twi/Yorùbá avoid “skin of blackness.” False Both complete editions carry 2 Nephi 5:21 with the key idea intact (see the actual chapter pages). Yorùbá 2 Nephi 5:21; Twi 2 Nephi 5:21; Transcript correction.

Bottom Line

The claim fails on the primary sources. Misreadings came from machine translation of whole verses, not from LDS translation policy or textual manipulation.

Segment 4

Claim: The Church’s use of Selections and language choices show intent to hide racism

“…the fact this is the only chapter not completely translated, coupled with the fact it stops precisely at 2 Nephi 5:20… indicates strongly the church is committed to keeping this information from certain language‑speaking populations… but… the rumor that the church in its complete Book of Mormon translations in African languages appears to be false.”

Speaker: Host • Timestamp: 00:28:17–00:29:24

Core Claim

Stopping at v.20 proves deceptive motive.

Assessment

  • Selections editions are publicly described as preliminary and partial (often ⅓–½) and are common across regions/languages, not targeted to “hide” one doctrine.
  • Simultaneously, the Church publishes full African translations (e.g., Twi, Yorùbá) that include v.21—contradicting a theory of systematic concealment.

Core Rebuttal

  • Doctrinal stance: The Church explicitly rejects racial discrimination as doctrine; see Gospel Topics “Priesthood and Race / Race and the Church…,” and 2 Nephi 26:33.
  • Historical clarity: The 1978 revelation (OD‑2) ended prior restrictions; Church history and Gospel Topics pages present this transparently.

Evaluation Table

Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Stopping at v.20 proves intent to hide racism. Misleading Fact pattern (v.20 stop) is accurate in some Selections, but motive attribution is speculative and contradicted by the existence of full African translations including v.21 and by official doctrine repudiating racism. Selections program context; Doctrinal resources.

Bottom Line

Evidence supports a translation‑pipeline explanation (Selections → Full), not a deception thesis.


Legal & Logic Analysis

Rhetorical Tactics & Fallacies

  • Confirmation bias / motive leap: An observed editorial cutoff (v.20) in some Selections is used to imply malintent without corroborating evidence.
  • Machine‑translation reliance: Using whole‑verse outputs as determinative evidence produced false linguistic conclusions later retracted by the speaker.

Defamation / False‑Light Check

  • 🟠 Moderate false‑light risk: Suggesting the Church “systematically” manipulates complete African translations to “fool black people” could place the organization in a false light if asserted as fact. The transcript ultimately disclaims the charge for complete translations, which mitigates risk but does not erase the interim insinuation.
  • Reference framework (not legal advice): actionable defamation requires false statements of fact made with at least negligence; public‑figure claims require “actual malice.” Milkovich clarifies that assertions implying provable facts are not shielded by “opinion.”

Doctrinal Anchors

  • Stewardship Doctrine: Translation sequencing (Selections → Full) reflects stewardship with finite resources, not concealment; stewardship is visible in the Church’s global rollout and transparent language lists.
  • Authorized Priesthood Use: The 1978 revelation (OD‑2) and subsequent policies demonstrate authorized correction and unity, not racial preference.
  • Covenant Layering: 2 Nephi 26:33 centers equality before God—covenantal identity supersedes ethnicity (“black and white… all are alike unto God”).

Sources

  1. Transcript (user‑provided): Radio Free Mormon #434 — “Black Skin a Curse from God?” — time‑coded excerpts as cited throughout.
  2. Gospel Library — Book of Mormon (English / Equality text): 2 Nephi 26, esp. v.33 (“…he denieth none… black and white… all are alike unto God”).
  3. Gospel Library — Book of Mormon (Complete African translations)
    • Yorùbá 2 Nephi 5 (see v.21: “àwọ̀ ara dúdú”).
    • Twi (Akuapem) 2 Nephi 5 (see v.21).
  4. Gospel Library — Book of Mormon (Selections example)
    • Ekegusii (Gusii) 2 Nephi 5 (stops at v.20).
  5. Program Context: Overview of translations and Selections vs full editions; language timelines for African translations.
  6. Gospel Topics (Doctrine):
    • “Priesthood and Race.”
    • “Race and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter‑day Saints.”
    • “Priesthood and Temple Restriction” (history topic).
  7. Defamation Framework (for false‑light/defamation analysis):
    • New York Times Co. v. Sullivan (1964) — public‑figure “actual malice” standard.
    • Milkovich v. Lorain Journal (1990) — “opinion” that implies verifiable fact can be actionable.
    • U.S. Constitution Annotated — defamation overview.
Packaging Notes (Compliance): Each quotation above is word‑for‑word from the user‑uploaded transcript with timestamps and line ranges; every claim is addressed individually with an Evaluation Table (Start/End, Category, Evaluation, Sources). Where the transcript itself retracts earlier implications, that is documented. Doctrinal and historical sources are hyperlinked or specified for follow‑up.
Is LDS Children’s Music Brainwashy? Alyssa Grenfell Hating on Teaching Children

Is LDS Children’s Music Brainwashy? Alyssa Grenfell Hating on Teaching Children

“Mormon Music Is More MESSED UP Than You Think.”

Creator/Host: Alyssa Grenfell (YouTube).

Approx. length: ~80 minutes. Published January 2026 (per YouTube listing).

Primary link(s):
Alyssa Grenfell channel
Episode search.

Summary
This episode repeatedly characterizes Latter‑day Saint beliefs and youth experiences as “brainwashy,” “chanting,” “cult,” and otherwise abnormal—framing ordinary worship and family religious life as inherently suspect. Across ten claims, the analysis below documents where the host’s statements are (a) correct, (b) partly true but misleading by omission or exaggeration, or (c) false in light of current, authoritative sources. We also flag discriminatory rhetoric targeting a faith community.

Rebuttal 1 — “Follow the Prophet” = “brainwashy chanting”

Word‑for‑word quote (Speaker: Alyssa Grenfell)
Our first song is going to be Follow the Prophet… Kids start going to primary when they turn three years old… Follow the prophet… He knows the way… now the reason I wanted to start with this specific song is first because it’s very uh hypnotic… the idea of three-year-olds chanting follow the prophet… I don’t know what’s more brainwashy than chanting in my opinion.

Core Claim

Primary song “Follow the Prophet” constitutes manipulative “chanting” and “brainwashing.”

Core Rebuttal

  • What the song teaches: Latter‑day Saint songs are designed to teach doctrine simply and invite the Holy Ghost; Church materials explicitly frame children’s music as a means to learn and feel truth, not to override agency. See “The Power of Primary Songs” (Liahona, 2024).
  • Parents encouraged to use hymns at home: The hymnbook preface invites families to sing in homes to bring “beauty and peace,” not coercion. Hymns Preface (see also Primary Songbook prefaces).
  • Modern‑prophet context stated correctly: The host notes President Nelson’s passing and President Oaks’s calling; this is accurate.
Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis:
Labeling core worship practices of a minority faith (children’s singing) as “brainwashy chanting” uses derogatory stereotyping and imputes lack of agency to believers. Such pejoratives generalize and demean adherents’ sincerity.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:00:54 00:03:04 “Follow the Prophet” is hypnotic “chanting” that “brainwashes” three‑year‑olds. Opinion Unsupported / Misleading Song invites faith and discipleship; Church teaches parents to use music to invite the Spirit, not to override agency. Liahona 2024
Hymns Preface (quoted in‑episode)
Bottom line: Calling children’s religious songs “brainwashing” is a prejudicial framing, not evidence.

Rebuttal 2 — “Secretly recorded temple video proves it’s a ‘cult ceremony’”

Quote
a secretly recorded video of what you actually do once you get inside the temple… here I am chanting in a circle while wearing a green apron and doing secret handshakes… it’s just a cult ceremony.” Alyssa shows a video of the sacred temple worship inside an LDS Temple. At Mormon Truth, we don’t care if a sacred ceremony is LDS or a different religion altogether. This is disrespectful, even potential hate speech.

Core Claim

Because a hidden‑camera clip exists and includes symbolic gestures, the temple is a “cult ceremony.”

Core Rebuttal

  • What the endowment is: The Church publicly explains the endowment’s purpose—covenants to follow Jesus Christ and learn God’s plan. ; About the Temple Endowment
  • Transparency via open houses: Before dedication, every temple holds a free public open house; after dedication, the interior is reserved for members. Open Houses; Newsroom.
Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis: Pejoratively labeling the sacred rites of a religious minority as a “cult ceremony” is a classic stigmatizing trope that encourages social contempt, not understanding.

MTOPS Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:35:25 00:38:21 Hidden‑camera clip proves the temple is a “cult ceremony.” Misleading Symbolism ≠ secrecy for deception; the Church publicly explains ordinances and invites the world inside before dedication. Temple Open Houses
Gospel Topics: Endowment
Bottom line: The existence of ritual symbolism doesn’t make a religion a “cult.” The Church explains and publicly tours temples prior to dedication.

Rebuttal 3 — “In the temple you ‘promise to obey my husband’”

Quote
…I did promise to obey my husband… someday I will enter a temple and I’ll promise to obey my husband…

Core Claim

The current temple endowment requires women to promise to “obey” their husbands.

Core Rebuttal

  • Historical shifts: The “obey” wording was removed in 1990; in 2019, women and men make the same covenants, with “hearken” language removed. Documented by mainstream and Church‑adjacent outlets reporting the January 2019 update. Biblical language, interpreted with contemporary standards and trends, is not so easily interpreted lacks context.
    Salt Lake Tribune;
    Famili Is the Endowment? LA Times (1990).
  • Today’s language: Official summaries describe covenants to follow Jesus Christ (laws of obedience, sacrifice, chastity, gospel, consecration)—not spousal subordination. About the Temple Endowment.
Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis: Presenting superseded, pre‑2019 language as if it is current invites contempt toward Latter‑day Saint women, implying institutionalized female inferiority that no longer reflects the ordinance.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:38:21 00:41:24 Women covenant to “obey my husband.” Misleading (Outdated) 1990: “obey” removed; 2019: gender‑equal covenant language; current endowment does not require women to obey husbands. SL Tribune (2019)
LA Times (1990)
Temple Endowment (overview)
Bottom line: The host’s wording reflects outdated ritual language and misrepresents today’s covenants.

Rebuttal 4 — “You covenant to give everything you possess to the Church

Quote
…in the temple you will promise and covenant with God to give everything you possess to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter‑day Saints…

Core Claim

The law of consecration is a pledge to transfer one’s property to the institutional Church.

Core Rebuttal

Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis: The phrasing “give everything you possess to the Church” caricatures a sacred covenant of service as institutional greed—an inflammatory framing that invites public scorn.

MTOPS Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:39:22 00:39:58 Consecration = giving all possessions to the Church. Partial Truth / Misleading Consecration is comprehensive devotion to God’s work; no blanket property assignment is required by the modern endowment. General Handbook 27
Temple Endowment
Bottom line: The covenant is to consecrate one’s life to Christ’s work—not to deed away personal property.

Rebuttal 5 — “Temple open houses”

Quote
…there’s a short period of time called a temple open house where the general public is allowed to go in… young kids can go through and see what the interior of the temple looks like… we would drive for hours just to walk through.

Core Claim

Public open houses allow anyone (including children) to tour a temple before dedication.

Evaluation

True — This description matches the Church’s stated practice. See: Temple Open Houses; Newsroom explainer.

Bottom line: Accurate.

Rebuttal 6 — “Ages: baptisms for the dead at 12; endowment ~18”

Quote
…to enter the temple to do baptisms for the dead, you can’t do that till you’re 12. And then you can’t do your endowment ceremony till you’re around 18 to a little older.

Evaluation

  • True (with nuance) — Youth recommends for proxy baptisms/confirmations begin in January of the year one turns 12 (with worthiness/recommend). Proxy Baptism overview.
  • Generally true — Endowments are available to adult members who are prepared; many receive the endowment around missionary/service or marriatps://www.churchofjnual/gospel-topics/endowment?lang=eng” target=”_blank” rel=”noopener”>Gospel Topics: Endowment.
Bottom line: Accurate on proxy‑baptism age; endowment timing depends on readiness and circumstances.

Rebuttal 7 — “Don’t criticize the Lord’s leaders—even if true”

Quote
…there’s a lot of quotes that modern leaders have given… one of which is that you should not criticize the Lord’s leaders even if the criticism is true.

Core Claim

A standing rule exists: it is wrong to criticize leaders “even if the criticism is true.”

Core Rebuttal

The oft‑quoted line is associated with then‑Elder Dallin H. Oaks in a 1980s context and is frequently quoted without context. Responsible summaries note he was counseling against public fault‑finding that undermines Church service. See FAIR’s documentation with the original context. FAIR analysis.

Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis: Presenting a de‑contextualized phrase as iron‑clad doctrine paints believers as forbidding inquiry, fostering the stereotype of blind, unthinking obedience.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:10:49 00:11:21 “No criticism even if true.” Misleading (Context‑stripped) Counsel addressed destructive public criticism; not a doctrinal ban on truth or accountability. FAIR
Bottom line: The claim, as framed, misleads by ignoring context and scope.

Rebuttal 8 — “Prophet’s ‘one set of earrings’ rule”

…one rule from a prophet… President Hinckley had announced the rule that girls should only have one set of piercings.

Evaluation

  • Historically True — President Gordon B. Hinckley counseled against tattoos and multiple piercings; he allowed for one modest pair of earrings. Oct 2000 talk.
  • Current guidance — The 2022 For the Strength of Youth pamphlet emphasizes principle‑based, Spirit‑guided standards without listing an earring count. Coverage summary.
Bottom line: Correct historically; current materials emphasize principles over numeric lists.

Rebuttal 9 — “Temple recommend question: ‘Do you believe President Oaks is a prophet of God?’”

Quote
…there’s a list of questions… but there is one question about Joseph Smith specifically… ‘Do you believe that the church and gospel of Jesus Christ have been restored through the prophet Joseph Smith? Do you believe that President Oaks is a prophet of God? What does this mean to you?’

Core Rebuttal

  • What is actually asked: The official questions include (1) a testimony of the Restoration and (2) sustaining the President of the Church as prophet, seer, and revelator (by office; the presiding officer’s name changes over time). See the current list.
    General Handbook 26 (Temple Recommends);
    Newsroom explainer, 2019 update.
  • Follow‑up prompts: Interviewers may ask personal, pastoral follow‑ups (e.g., “what does that mean to you?”), but the printed questions don’t hard‑code a particular name beyond the office and certainly don’t require the interviewer to ask, “What does that mean to you?”.
Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis: Portraying standard Christian‑style recommend questions as unique authoritarian control suggests believers hand their conscience to leaders—an unfair inference.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
01:13:55 01:14:50 Official question names “President Oaks” verbatim. Partial / Needs Context Official wording sustains the President of the Church by office; interviewers can reference the incumbent’s name. General Handbook 26
Newsroom (2019)
Bottom line: The concept (sustaining the living prophet) is correct; the official printed question is by office, not by permanently naming a particular person.

Rebuttal 10 — “Warm feelings replace evidence; no DNA/archaeology needed”

Quote</strowhile I sing this song I feel happy, it’s objective proof… There’s no need for archaeological evidence. There’s no need for DNA evidence…”

Core Rebuttal

The Church does not claim DNA can “prove” or “disprove” the Book of Mormon; the official essay explicitly says DNA studies “cannot be used decisively” on historicity. Gospel Topics: DNA and the Book of Mormon.
Personal spiritual witness is central to faith, but the Church publishes robust historical and doctrinal resources and encourages study.

Discrimination/Prejudice Analysis: Reducing believers’ convictions to “feeling happy while singing” caricatures a faith’s epistemology and belittles sincere spiritual experience common across world religions.

Evaluation Table

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:52:55 00:54:02 Church dismisses need for evidence (esp. DNA). Misleading / Strawman Official essay: DNA evidence is indecisive either way; spiritual witness complements study, not replaces it. Gospel Topics DNA Essay
Bottom line: The Church’s own essay rejects DNA “proof” rhetoric—either for or against.


The episode repeatedly mocks Latter‑day Saint worship and misstates key facts (temple covenants, consecration, leadership questions), encouraging the audience to view a minority religion as irrational and “cult‑like.” Where the host makes factual points (open houses; baptism age), they align with public Church sources. Where claims turn on pejoratives, they function as discriminatory rhetoric, not careful analysis.

Sources (Live Links)


Tone Protocol (Applied)

  • Stewardship Doctrine: Parents teaching faith via music at home is an act of stewardship, not manipulation.
  • Authorized Priesthood Use: Leadership succession and temple covenants follow established, published processes.
  • Covenant Layering: Temple covenants (obedience to God, sacrifice, chastity, gospel, consecration) are Christ‑centered and publicly summarized.

Sources Consulted (Transparency)

Primary: ChurchofJesusChrist.org (Gospel Topics, General Handbook, Temple pages); Church Newsroom; Salt Lake Tribune; LA Times; Liahona; FAIR Latter‑day Saints. Supplementary media coverage as linked above.

© MormonTruth Project — MTOPS Rebuttal #1. HTML packaging provided per user request. Social media versions available upon request.

 

Does President Oaks Want More Excommunications In the LDS Church?

Does President Oaks Want More Excommunications In the LDS Church?

Is President Oaks the King of Excommunications?

Leaked 2024 leadership slides by President Dallin H. Oaks telling leaders to ‘excommunicate more’”

Podcast: Radio Free Mormon • Episode: RFM 432 (recreating RFM 363) • Title in transcript: “The King of Excommunications!” / “The show the LDS church doesn’t want you to see.”

Core Claim

In 2024, President (then Elder) Dallin H. Oaks directed leadership training whose message was to increase excommunications.

Core Finding

  • Independent corroboration: No official Church source has published such a directive. RFM’s own pages repeat the claim; that is not independent verification.
  • General Handbook: The purposes of membership restrictions/withdrawal are to protect others, help repentance, and protect Church integrity. These actions are not intended to punish. Leaders determine whether personal counseling or a membership council is appropriate; personal counseling is often sufficient. Councils are required only in specified serious cases; otherwise they may be necessary depending on circumstances.
  • Status/dates: Dallin H. Oaks was set apart as the Church’s 18th President on Oct. 14, 2025; no announcement referenced a policy to “increase excommunications.”

Bottom Line

Category: Not Provable — The Handbook promotes case‑by‑case discernment, not numeric targets.

Evaluation

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:00:32 00:01:43 Leaked Oaks slides telling leaders “you’re not excommunicating enough Mormons” Not Provable No primary source published; self‑referential claims on program pages do not verify authenticity. RFM 363 page
00:09:34 00:10:04 Presentation title & scope attributed to Oaks Unverified Handbook guidance contradicts any blanket directive. General Handbook ch. 32
Current policy = increase excommunications False Handbook stresses protection, repentance, integrity; councils are not automatic and not punishment. GH 32.2 Purposes

Legal & Logic Analysis: Loaded paraphrase (“up those numbers”) with no primary proof. Risk: 🟠 Moderate

RFM CLAIMS “This is the show the LDS church doesn’t want you to see” & copyright strike = ownership

 “The fact the church did a copyright strike proves the church claims ownership. These are the real deal. These slides.”

Core Claim

The Church (via a YouTube copyright strike) both “doesn’t want you to see” the episode and thereby proves it owns—and authenticates—the alleged slide deck.

Logical Questions

  1. Does a YouTube copyright strike prove the filer owns the content or merely that it alleged infringement under the DMCA?
  2. Even if a Church‑affiliated entity filed a takedown, does that authenticate the alleged slides or confirm their contents/meaning?

Core Finding

  • Under the DMCA (17 U.S.C. §512), a takedown is based on a notice alleging infringement to preserve a platform’s safe harbor; it is not an adjudication of ownership or authenticity.
  • YouTube processes copyright removals as a legal claim; removal on receipt of a proper notice does not prove the filer’s claims.
  • Historically, the Church protects its IP via Intellectual Reserve, Inc. (IRI) (e.g., Intellectual Reserve, Inc. v. Utah Lighthouse Ministry); past enforcement shows capacity to act, not that specific leaked slides are genuine.

Bottom Line

Category: Misleading (legal inference) — A DMCA strike does not by itself prove the authenticity or authorship of the alleged slides, nor a censorial intent beyond routine IP enforcement.

Evaluation

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:00:01 00:00:47 “Show the Church doesn’t want you to see” because a prior version was taken down Misleading Takedown = platform compliance with a legal notice; it is not proof of ownership/authenticity or hidden intent. 17 U.S.C. §512YouTube copyright removalsEFF on DMCA
00:03:22 00:03:55 “Copyright strike proves Church ownership; slides are the ‘real deal’” Not Provable DMCA allegation ≠ legal proof; IRI’s prior enforcement is not authentication of these specific slides. 17 U.S.C. §512Intellectual Reserve v. ULM

Legal & Logic Analysis: Appeal to secrecy (“they don’t want you to see”), and confirmation by suppression fallacy. Risk: 🟠 Moderate (false‑light framing)

  1. General Handbook: “Repentance and Church Membership Councils,” ch. 32 — purposes, settings, required vs. may‑be‑necessary; updated 2025.
  2. Church Newsroom — “Dallin H. Oaks Named 18th President,” Oct. 14, 2025.
  3. Church News — report on the new First Presidency.
  4. 3 Nephi 9:202 Corinthians 7:10D&C 19:16–19Alma 42:25.
  5. Gospel Topics Essay — “Plural Marriage in Kirtland and Nauvoo”.
  6. Joseph Smith Papers — Intro to Documents, Vol. 12D&C 132 page.
  7. RFM 363: “Elder Oaks Calls for More Excommunications!”RFM 432 page.
  8. 17 U.S.C. §512 (DMCA safe harbors)YouTube: Submit a copyright removal requestEFF: Guide to YouTube Removals.
  9. Intellectual Reserve, Inc. v. Utah Lighthouse Ministry (enforcement history).
  10. Michelle Stone — “Thank You!! And Goodbye for Now…”Cwic Show coverage.
  11. Karen Hyatt on Mormon Book ReviewsMormon Stories episode page.
Did Elder Jefferey Holland Incite Violence With His BYU Speech

Did Elder Jefferey Holland Incite Violence With His BYU Speech

Did Holland “call for violence” with the musket metaphor?

Event: BYU Annual University Conference • Speaker: Elder Jeffrey R. Holland • Title: The Second Half of the Second Century of Brigham Young University • Date: August 23, 2021

Core Claim (critics): “Musket” was a call to violent action (esp. against LGBTQ individuals). Allegation of incitement

Word-for-word Quotes

“Musket fire? Yes, we will always need defenders of the faith, but ‘friendly fire’ is a tragedy.”

— 00:26:33, L79

“We all look forward to the day when we can ‘beat [our] swords into plowshares, and [our] spears into pruninghooks’ and, at least on this subject, ‘learn war [no] more.’”

— 00:28:23, L85

“As near as I can tell, Christ never once withheld His love from anyone, but He also never once said to anyone, ‘Because I love you, you are exempt from keeping my commandments.’”

— 00:26:33, L79

Logical Questions

  • What did “musket” mean in BYU discourse—physical violence or scholarly/apologetic defense?

  • Are there textual anti‑violence signals in the same paragraph?

  • Does the text satisfy the U.S. incitement standard (Brandenburg)?

Core Finding

Context negates violence. In the very passage critics cite, Holland warns against “friendly fire” and invokes plowshares / learn war no more—explicit peace imagery that undercuts a literal‑weapons reading (see quotes above). The metaphor reprises the well‑known BYU/Maxwell line about scholars who both build and defend the faith; President Dallin H. Oaks employed the same metaphor in a BYU leadership address about doctrinal defense—clearly figurative, not physical. Oaks 2017Maxwell quote.

Legal standard.  Under Brandenburg v. Ohio, speech is unprotected incitement only if it is directed to and likely to produce imminent lawless action. Nothing in the text approaches that threshold. LII: Brandenburg testJustia: Brandenburg (1969). The “plowshares” line cites Isaiah 2:4, a canonical call to peace.

Bottom Line

False. “Musket” is a long‑standing metaphor for verbal/intellectual defense of doctrine, explicitly bounded by love and peace language.

Did Elder Holland “target LGBTQ people as the problem”?

Core Claim (critics): The address singled out LGBTQ people as divisive. Interpretation

Word-for-word Quotes

“We hope it isn’t a surprise to you that your trustees are not deaf or blind to the feelings that swirl around marriage and the whole same-sex topic on campus—and a lot of other topics.”

— 00:22:50, L67

“In that spirit, let me go no farther before declaring unequivocally my love and that of my Brethren for those who live with this same-sex challenge…”

— 00:24:37, L73

“[W]e are trying to avoid—and hope all will try to avoid—language, symbols, and situations that are more divisive than unifying at the very time we want to show love for all of God’s children.”

— 00:23:47, L70

Core Finding Around Targeting LGBTQ People as The Problem

Holland addresses BYU employees about stewardship and mission alignment while explicitly affirming love for LGBTQ individuals. That is not “targeting” a population; it is clarifying institutional doctrinal boundaries while urging charity. Within the Latter‑day Saint framework, marriage doctrine is anchored in the Family Proclamation. BYU’s mission/aims are stated transparently (Aims).

Bottom Line Misleading. The text frames a stewardship directive + charity, not an attack on identity.

 

Bottom Line Evaluation Of Issues

Start End Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
00:26:33 00:28:23 “Holland incited violence with ‘musket’.” False Metaphor framed by anti‑violence cues (friendly‑fire warning; plowshares) and Christ‑anchored love; fails Brandenburg test. Transcript L79, L85; LII: Brandenburg testJustia (1969)Isaiah 2:4
00:22:50 00:25:33 “He targeted LGBTQ people as the problem.” Misleading Addressed employee stewardship and charity while upholding revealed doctrine on marriage. Transcript L67, L70, L73; Family ProclamationBYU Aims
00:23:47 00:23:47 “Valedictorian line suppressed identity.” Disputed / Mixed Podium‑norms / ceremony‑neutrality claim, not denial of dignity. Transcript L70
00:21:33 00:21:33 “‘Musket’ rhetoric is inherently dangerous.” Not Provable (opinion) Maxwell → Oaks → Holland metaphor about scholarly defense; peace‑language counter‑signals violence. Transcript L61; Oaks 2017Maxwell quote
00:18:53 00:19:32 “Talk kills academic freedom at BYU.” False / Partial Truth BYU uses a mission‑anchored freedom model; different from secular campuses, not absent. Transcript L49–L52; BYU Academic FreedomBYU Studies
2024‑03 2024‑04 “Required reading = harm.” Not Provable Assignment exists; “harm” depends on classroom framing and paired materials. SL Trib (Mar 15 2024)BYU Universe (Apr 3 2024)Fox 13 (Mar 17 2024)

Bottom Line

Read in full, the address is a trustee‑level stewardship reminder to BYU employees to love every student while keeping BYU aligned with revealed doctrine on marriage and family. The “musket” phrase is a long‑standing academic‑defense metaphor immediately bounded by calls to unity, love, and peace (“plowshares”). Claims that Holland endorsed violence or singled out LGBTQ people as enemies are unsupported by the text and fail under the governing First Amendment standards.

Sources

  1. Official text/video: BYU Speeches — Holland, “The Second Half of the Second Century of BYU” (Aug 23, 2021). speeches.byu.edu
  2. Oaks, “Challenges to the Mission of BYU” (Apr 21, 2017). speeches.byu.edu
  3. Maxwell quote (trowels and muskets), Faith & Learning (BYU). faithandlearning.byu.edu
  4. BYU Academic Freedom Policy. policy.byu.edu
  5. Aims of a BYU Education. aims.byu.edu
  6. BYU Studies: “Individual and Institutional Academic Freedom.” byustudies.byu.edu
  7. Scripture: Isaiah 2:4 (“beat swords into plowshares”). churchofjesuschrist.org
  8. Family Proclamation (official text). churchofjesuschrist.org
  9. Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969) — LII / Justia. law.cornell.edu • justia.com
  10. New York Times v. Sullivan (1964) — LII / Oyez. law.cornell.edu • oyez.org
  11. Required‑reading coverage: Salt Lake Tribune • Fox 13 • BYU Universe

Sources Consulted

Primary: BYU Speeches (Holland; Oaks); BYU policy pages; ChurchofJesusChrist.org (Family Proclamation; Isaiah 2). Secondary/perspectives: SL Trib, Fox 13, BYU Universe; BYU Studies (academic freedom). Legal primers: Cornell LII; Justia; Oyez.

Pros and Cons of LDS Church Mandated Abuse Reporting

Pros and Cons of LDS Church Mandated Abuse Reporting

A Comparative Legal, Theological, Empirical, and International Analysis for an Interfaith Audience

Prepared for publication on mormontruth.org. This white paper is informational and does not constitute legal advice.

Abstract

This white paper offers an exhaustive, well-sourced examination of whether and how mandatory child‑abuse reporting should apply to local leaders in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter‑day Saints (LDS). We evaluate arguments on both sides using evidence from United States case law and statutes, public‑health and social‑work research, theological frameworks across traditions (Latter‑day Saint, Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant, Jewish, Muslim), comparisons to health‑care and elder‑care industries, and current developments in common‑law jurisdictions abroad (notably Australia and the UK). We use the Arizona “Adams” case—in which an LDS bishop did not report an abuser—as a central case study for why mandated reporting can be valuable, while also integrating research (including Public Square Magazine’s critique) that cautions about system overload, false positives, and chilling effects on help‑seeking.1Table of Contents

Executive Summary

  • Mandated reporting can save children by triggering faster investigations and stopping ongoing abuse. The Arizona case illustrates risks when clergy do not report.2
  • But expanded mandates can also harm when overbroad: research shows universal mandates increase unsubstantiated reports and burden systems without improving substantiated safety outcomes; they can deter victims and families from seeking help.178
  • U.S. statutes vary widely. Some states require clergy to report with no privilege exceptions (e.g., New Hampshire, West Virginia). Others mandate reporting but preserve a clergy‑penitent privilege for confessions. Litigation is active (e.g., Washington State 2025 injunction protecting the Catholic seal of confession).91011
  • LDS theology has no sacramental confession analogous to Catholic practice, but communications in pastoral counseling are often covered by clergy‑penitent privilege under state evidence law. Church materials emphasize a victim‑first, safety‑first approach and compliance with law.1213
  • Internationally, several Australian jurisdictions require clergy to report even confessional disclosures; the UK is rolling out a mandatory duty to report child sexual abuse; France has debated confession‑seal limits after abuse inquiries.141516
  • Recommendation in brief: Adopt a global, church‑level policy that (1) treats immediate victim safety as paramount; (2) requires reporting where civil law mandates it; (3) empowers leaders to encourage and assist reporting even when not mandated; (4) separates pastoral care from investigations; (5) standardizes training; and (6) respects lawful confidentiality regimes (e.g., the Catholic seal for interfaith contexts) while maximizing safety planning and support.

Definitions & Scope

  • Mandated reporting: Statutory duty to report suspected child abuse/neglect to civil authorities. Scope varies by jurisdiction (who must report, when, what counts as “reasonable suspicion”). See U.S. summaries by the Child Welfare Information Gateway.17
  • Clergy‑penitent privilege: Evidence‑law protection for confidential spiritual communications; scope and exceptions vary by state and country.10
  • LDS leadership in scope: Bishops, branch presidents, stake presidents, Relief Society/Elders Quorum presidencies, youth leaders, and other calling‑holders who may receive abuse disclosures during ecclesiastical duties.

Case Study: The Arizona Bishop Non‑Reporting Case

In Arizona, a Latter‑day Saint bishop consulted the Church’s helpline after a member confessed to sexually abusing his children. Relying on Arizona’s clergy‑penitent provisions, the bishop did not report. Subsequent investigations revealed years of continued abuse, sparking litigation and national scrutiny.2 In 2023, the Arizona Supreme Court affirmed that clergy could invoke privilege under state law in civil discovery,3 while later appellate proceedings questioned the scope of any duty to report and allowed claims to proceed.4

Why this case is often cited for mandated reporting: It exemplifies how privilege combined with permissive reporting (or institutional caution) can leave children at risk if disclosure isn’t promptly relayed to civil authorities. Survivors and advocates point to this outcome to argue for clearer reporting duties on clergy.

Theological Frames: LDS & Interfaith Contexts

LDS Perspective

The LDS Church condemns abuse categorically and emphasizes immediate victim protection, compliance with civil law, and assistance for survivors. Official materials and handbook guidance underscore that abuse “cannot be tolerated in any form” and that the Church’s first responsibility is to help victims and protect the vulnerable.121819 Local leaders are counseled to follow the law and may consult the Church helpline to navigate complex statutory duties.20

Catholic & Orthodox Perspectives

In Catholic theology, the seal of confession is “inviolable” (Canon 983–984), and priests are excommunicated for directly violating it.2122 This creates intense legal‑theological conflict where statutes compel disclosure of confessional admissions. Recent U.S. litigation in Washington protected the confessional seal (preliminary injunction), even as priests remain mandated reporters outside confession.11

Protestant, Jewish, Muslim, and other traditions

Most non‑sacramental traditions still rely on pastoral confidentiality. U.S. evidence rules in many states extend privilege to clergy across faiths for confidential spiritual counseling—though mandated reporting statutes may narrow that privilege in child‑protection contexts.10

U.S. Law & Policy Landscape for Clergy Reporting

States take markedly different approaches. The Child Welfare Information Gateway summarizes these patterns and notes frequent statutory amendments.1017

Approach Illustrative Jurisdictions Notes
Clergy are mandated reporters; confession not exempt New Hampshire; West Virginia Statutes deny clergy‑penitent privilege in child‑abuse contexts; duty applies even to pastoral/confessional settings.2324
Clergy mandated; confessional exception preserved Many states (e.g., California retains a penitential‑communication exception) Mandate exists but does not require breaching sacramental confession; other disclosures must be reported.2526
Recent constitutional litigation on confession Washington (2025) Federal court enjoined application of a new law to confessional disclosures; court highlighted inconsistent treatment vs. attorney privilege in parallel statute.11
Clergy not mandated reporters Small number of jurisdictions Some provide immunity if clergy choose to report; consult current state summaries.10

Other notable litigation includes a 2020 Montana Supreme Court case involving Jehovah’s Witnesses, which applied a statutory clergy exception to reverse a civil verdict for failure to report.27

What the Evidence Says

Do broader mandates improve child safety?

Peer‑reviewed studies find that universal mandated reporting (UMR) produces more reports—but not more substantiated cases; in some analyses, the proportion of unconfirmed reports increases and non‑professional reporters dominate, straining limited capacity.7828 Casey Family Programs’ evidence syntheses reach similar conclusions.29

System effects and family impacts

Investigative journalism and policy analyses (e.g., ProPublica/NBC’s Pennsylvania deep dive) show surges in hotline calls after legal expansions, with many allegations unsubstantiated, contributing to caseload saturation and delayed responses for the most endangered children.6 Meta‑synthesis research documents that caregivers and even child survivors may avoid services or fear disclosure because of mandatory reporting, undermining help‑seeking and therapeutic alliance.30

COVID‑period “natural experiment”

During early 2020, contact with mandated reporters (e.g., teachers) dropped markedly; some studies observed fewer reports but a higher proportion substantiated—consistent with a signal‑to‑noise problem in high‑volume regimes.31

Bottom line

Expanding mandate breadth alone is not a panacea. Targeted, trained reporting coupled with robust services and safety planning performs better than flooding hotlines with low‑quality reports. This aligns with the critique summarized by Mical Raz, MD, PhD: “increase supporting, not just reporting.”1

Comparators: Health Care, Hospitals & Nursing Homes

In U.S. health care, clinicians are widely mandated reporters for child abuse. HIPAA expressly permits required disclosures for child‑abuse reporting; thus privacy rules do not block compliance with state reporting statutes.3233 In elder care, the Elder Justice Act requires reporting of reasonable suspicion of crimes in federally funded long‑term‑care facilities within strict timelines, with penalties for failure to report.3435

Relevance for churches: These sectors show how confidentiality and duty‑to‑report can coexist where (a) roles are clear, (b) training is standardized, (c) timeframes are explicit, and (d) good‑faith reporters receive immunity. For ecclesiastical settings, analogous training and clear thresholds can improve reporting quality without obliterating legitimate confidentiality space (e.g., legally protected confession).

International Perspectives

Australia

Following the national Royal Commission, multiple jurisdictions imposed duties that encompass clergy; Queensland’s 2020 reforms criminalize failure to report or protect, removing reliance on the confessional seal for child‑sexual‑abuse matters.143637 Other states (e.g., Victoria, ACT) moved in similar directions;38 New South Wales created a criminal adult duty to report child‑abuse offenses (s.316A), while debates continue regarding confession‑specific carveouts.3940

United Kingdom

The UK (England) is introducing a mandatory reporting duty for child sexual abuse, following consultation and government response in 2024–2025; implementation details continue to evolve across services and faith settings.154142

France

After a landmark abuse inquiry, French debates have focused on whether civil law should override the confessional seal; government officials have pressed priests to report abuse notwithstanding sacramental claims, while bishops’ conferences have issued guidance to strengthen safeguarding.1643

Pros and Cons of Mandated Reporting for LDS Leaders

Strong Arguments for Mandated Reporting

  • Immediate safety and timely intervention. Mandates can trigger faster law‑enforcement and child‑protection responses, stopping ongoing abuse—as the Arizona case tragically illustrates when reporting does not occur.2
  • Clarity and accountability. Clear legal duties reduce hesitation by lay clergy unfamiliar with complex statutes. Good‑faith immunity laws protect reporters, and standardized training improves threshold judgments.10
  • Consistency with other protective sectors. Health‑care and elder‑care frameworks show that privacy and reporting can coexist when systems are designed well (HIPAA allows these disclosures; elder‑care mandates exist).3234
  • Deterrence and culture change. Public knowledge that disclosures of active abuse will be reported may deter offenders and can shift organizational norms toward survivor‑first practices.

Strong Arguments against Broad or Absolute Mandates

  • Empirical concerns. Research shows universal mandates increase low‑quality reports without improving substantiation or safety, potentially reducing protection for the most at‑risk children by diverting resources.729
  • Chilling effects on help‑seeking. Survivors, non‑offending caregivers, and even potential offenders may avoid clergy, therapists, and clinicians if they fear automatic reporting, undermining early intervention and pastoral care.301
  • Interfaith and constitutional conflicts. In traditions with sacramental confession, compelled disclosure can violate religious exercise; federal courts have enjoined such laws (Washington 2025), especially where comparable privileges (e.g., attorney‑client) remain intact.11
  • Jurisdictional variability and legal exposure. LDS is global; bishops face a patchwork of rules. A one‑size policy risks conflicts with local statutes; careful harmonization is necessary.10

Objective Policy Recommendations for the LDS Church

  1. Victim Safety as the Prime Directive. Make explicit: if anyone is in imminent danger, leaders must act immediately to secure safety (call 911/emergency services) regardless of privilege questions.
  2. Always Obey Applicable Law. Where civil law mandates reporting (e.g., NH, WV; many international jurisdictions), the Church’s policy should require clergy to report in compliance with statute and within prescribed timeframes.232414
  3. When not mandated, maximize assisted reporting. Encourage and assist victims or guardians in making the report; with their consent, accompany them. Document safety planning and referrals (medical, therapeutic, legal advocacy).
  4. Maintain a robust, jurisdiction‑aware helpline. Staffed by attorneys and licensed clinicians able to (a) map local law, (b) help leaders gauge “reasonable suspicion,” and (c) craft safety plans that do not impede civil investigations.20
  5. Clear separation of roles. Ecclesiastical interviews for spiritual care should not attempt to investigate. Avoid questions that could contaminate evidence; refer to professionals promptly.12
  6. Training & certification. Require initial and periodic training for all leaders and youth‑facing callings on (a) recognizing abuse, (b) jurisdiction‑specific reporting, (c) trauma‑informed care, and (d) documentation.18
  7. Communication & transparency. Post ward/stake‑level guidance on how members can report abuse externally and within the Church; include QR codes to state hotlines and to Church resources for victims.12
  8. Interfaith sensitivity. In ecumenical ministries (e.g., community coalitions) or in countries with confession‑seal laws, coordinate policies to respect protected religious rites while still prioritizing safety planning and lawful reporting outside sacramental contexts.2111
  9. Data, audits, and continuous improvement. Track de‑identified metrics (time to report when mandated, referral types, training completion) and audit annually to improve practice and reduce harm.

Model Policy Language

Mostly adapted in current Church policy:

1. Immediate Safety. When abuse is suspected or disclosed and any person is at imminent risk, leaders must contact emergency services immediately.

2. Compliance with Law. Leaders shall comply with all applicable civil child‑protection reporting laws. Where the law requires clergy reporting, leaders shall report within the statutory timeframe. Where the law prohibits disclosure of certain privileged communications, leaders shall respect such prohibitions while pursuing lawful safety planning.

3. Assisted Reporting. Absent legal barriers, leaders will encourage and assist victims, guardians, or witnesses to report to authorities and will facilitate access to medical and therapeutic services.

4. Pastoral Care vs. Investigation. Leaders provide spiritual care. They will not conduct civil or criminal investigations and will avoid questioning that could compromise evidence.

5. Consultation. Leaders shall contact the Church’s helpline to obtain jurisdiction‑specific legal and clinical guidance and to develop a trauma‑informed safety plan.

6. Documentation. Leaders will make a contemporaneous pastoral note of the date/time of disclosure, actions taken to ensure safety, whether a report was made (and by whom), and referrals provided—stored consistent with Church record policies and applicable law.

7. Training. All leaders and youth‑facing callings must complete initial and triennial training on abuse prevention, recognition, legal duties, and trauma‑informed response.

8. Communication. Units will publicly post and routinely circulate information on how to report abuse to civil authorities and within the Church, including links to local hotlines and Church victim‑assistance resources.

Implementation Checklist for Stakes & Wards

  • Designate a stake safeguarding specialist to track local law changes and coordinate training.
  • Maintain a one‑page local reporting “cheat sheet” with hotlines, timelines (e.g., “within 24 hours”), and immunity provisions.
  • Run simulated reporting scenarios annually for bishoprics and youth leaders.
  • Establish referral partnerships with licensed therapists and child‑advocacy centers.
  • Ensure two‑adult policies and visibility practices for youth activities are enforced.

References

  1. Mical Raz, “Mandatory Reporting Isn’t the Solution,” Public Square Magazine, Sept. 19, 2022.
  2. Associated Press coverage of the Arizona LDS case (e.g., “Utah rep. told Mormon bishop not to report abuse, docs show,” Sept. 10, 2022).
  3. Arizona court upholds clergy privilege in child abuse case,” Associated Press, Apr. 11, 2023.
  4. Lawsuit against Mormon church moves forward…,” Axios (Salt Lake City), July 31, 2025.
  5. LDS Church Newsroom, “Church Offers Statement on Help Line and Abuse,” Aug. 5, 2022.
  6. ProPublica/NBC News, “Mandatory Reporting Was Supposed to Stop Severe Child Abuse. It Punishes Poor Families Instead.,” Oct. 12, 2022.
  7. Grace W. K. Ho, et al., “Universal Mandatory Reporting Policies and the Odds of Identifying Child Physical Abuse,” American Journal of Public Health 107(5), 2017.
  8. Nadon, Park, Lee & Wright (summary), Casey Family Programs, “How do case outcomes differ based on child maltreatment referral source?,” Nov. 29, 2023; and Casey Family Programs brief on UMR efficacy, “Are Universal Mandatory Reporting policies effective…,” Sept. 2020.
  9. N.H. Rev. Stat. § 169‑C:29 & § 169‑C:32 (clergy privilege not a ground to fail to report).
  10. Child Welfare Information Gateway, “Clergy as Mandatory Reporters of Child Abuse and Neglect,” State Statutes Series, 2023–2025 updates (see also PDF).
  11. Jerry Cornfield, “Judge blocks WA requirement for priests to report child abuse disclosed in confession,” Washington State Standard, July 18, 2025.
  12. Protecting Members and Reporting Abuse,” ChurchofJesusChrist.org (manual resource); see also “Protecting Children and Youth.”
  13. Church Newsroom (global/local), e.g., “How the Church Approaches Abuse” and “Protecting the Children.”
  14. Queensland: “New laws in Queensland mean priests no longer protected by seal of confession,” Sept. 9, 2020; see also QLD government pages (“Failing to report sexual offences against children,” updated Feb. 25, 2025) and the Act text (2020 Act No. 32).
  15. UK Home Office, “Mandatory reporting of child sexual abuse: consultation,” May 9, 2024; Government response & impact assessment: response, and Impact Assessment (June 23, 2025).
  16. France: e.g., Reuters, “France’s top bishop acknowledges that law takes precedence over confession,” Oct. 12, 2021; Catholic News Service via Catholic Philly, “Seal of confession a topic of debate…,” Oct. 15, 2021.
  17. Child Welfare Information Gateway, “Mandated Reporting,” general overview.
  18. Preventing and Responding to Abuse,” Church Newsroom (PDF), policy/pastoral guidance.
  19. Gospel Topics: Abuse, ChurchofJesusChrist.org.
  20. LDS helpline statement and guidance: “Church Offers Statement on Help Line and Abuse,” Aug. 5, 2022.
  21. USCCB, “Religious Liberty Backgrounder: The Seal of Confession,” Feb. 6, 2023; Vatican Code of Canon Law (Can. 983–984).
  22. Canon law references and commentary: e.g., Canon 983; Canon Law Made Easy (2024).
  23. Victim Rights Law Center: New Hampshire Clergy FAQs (clergy privilege does not excuse failing to report).
  24. W. Va. Code § 49‑2‑803 (mandated reporters include clergy; see Child Welfare Gateway state page).
  25. California: Clergy as mandatory reporters (state summary); attempted 2019 SB 360 to narrow confession exception: CA Senate analysis (analysis), LA Times coverage, bill tracking (TrackBill).
  26. Victim Rights Law Center: California Clergy FAQs.
  27. Núñez v. Watchtower, 2020 MT 3 (reversing failure‑to‑report verdict based on clergy exception); see AP recap here.
  28. Recent policy study: Are Mandated Reporting Policies Contributing to… (2025) (no link found between mandates and substantiation odds).
  29. Casey Family Programs policy impacts brief, “Do state child welfare policies impact…,” Aug. 11, 2021 (adding mandatory reporters increased reports without changing substantiations).
  30. McTavish et al., “Children’s and caregivers’ perspectives about mandatory reporting,” Child Abuse & Neglect (2019) (meta‑synthesis on fear/avoidance).
  31. Shusterman et al., “Child maltreatment reporting during the initial weeks of COVID‑19,” Child Abuse & Neglect (2022) (screen‑in dropped; substantiation share rose).
  32. HHS HIPAA, FAQs: “Does HIPAA preempt state child‑abuse reporting?” (No; HIPAA permits such disclosures).
  33. HHS, “Summary of the HIPAA Privacy Rule.”
  34. 42 U.S.C. § 1320b‑25, “Reporting to law enforcement of crimes in long‑term care facilities”; CMS memo, “Reporting reasonable suspicion of a crime.”
  35. LTCCC brief, “Requirements for Reporting Suspicion of a Crime.”
  36. ABC (Australia), “Queensland law to jail priests for not reporting abuse revealed in confession,” Sept. 8, 2020.
  37. Queensland govt explainer: “Laws targeting sexual offences against children,” updated Feb. 25, 2025.
  38. Catholic News Agency, “New Australian law requires priests to break confessional seal (Victoria),” Sept. 12, 2019.
  39. NSW Crimes Act 1900 s.316A, “Concealing child abuse offence”; NSW Health guidance “New child abuse related offences—failure to report.”
  40. ABC (Australia), “NSW won’t force priests to break seal of confessional, but…,” June 22, 2018.
Note on scope: Statutes and case law change frequently. The links above provide authoritative summaries and primary materials current as of October 6, 2025. Always consult local counsel for jurisdiction‑specific obligations.© 2025 — Prepared for mormontruth.org. Licensed for online publication with attribution.