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John Dehlin Using Elizabeth Smart to Blame the Church

John Dehlin Using Elizabeth Smart to Blame the Church

Mormon Stories Episode 2109 – Elizabeth Smart

On his Mormon Stories podcast, John Dehlin falsely claiming that Elizabeth Smart is a victim of the Mormon Church. He uses out of context quotes and statements from church leaders to evoke emotion and to blame the Church for extremism. Read on for an objective analysis of why this podcast is misleading and harmful.

Finding 1 — “Very much a Mormon story” 

Misleading Core Claim

The Elizabeth Smart kidnapping is “very much a Mormon story,” with causative roots in Mormonism and Joseph Smith.
Claim type: Religious responsibility framing; causal insinuation; reputational attribution.
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources (verified hyperlinks)
Kidnapping is “very much a Mormon story” linked to Mormonism/Joseph Smith Misleading “Mormon” can be a descriptive label (victim identity, regional context), but the quote shifts into implied causation (“influenced by Joseph Smith”)
without establishing a primary-source doctrinal or institutional causal chain. This is a classic identity→causation slide.
Church Newsroom statement rejecting “doctrinal connection” framing (Mar 24, 2003)
Doctrine & Covenants 132 (official LDS scripture page; includes plural marriage material)
Joseph Smith Papers — D&C 132 original revelation context

Core Findings

  • Stewardship Doctrine: Even where LDS belief includes personal revelation, LDS structure distinguishes personal guidance from “command authority” over others. A kidnapper’s claim “God told me” is not authorized priesthood stewardship.
  • Authorized Priesthood Use: In LDS doctrine, binding directives for others come through authorized channels, not self-appointed prophets. This matters because the transcript’s framing invites the reader to see LDS belief as a causal license rather than a violated boundary.
  • Reputational Precision: If “Mormon story” means (a) Utah context + (b) victim identity + (c) perpetrators’ prior affiliation, that can be stated precisely. But “roots in Joseph Smith” is a separate causal claim requiring primary documentation.

The transcript’s opening frame is rhetorically powerful but analytically imprecise: it blends descriptive “Mormon” context with unproven doctrinal causation.

 

Finding 2 “Roots in Joseph Smith / founding of Mormonism”

Speaker: John
00:05:02
"...I think this story very much fits alongside those in terms of it being not just Mormon crime and Mormon true crime, but Mormon true
crime that has its roots in Joseph Smith, in Mormon doctrine, Mormon history, and in the founding of Mormonism."
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Smart case “roots” in Joseph Smith and LDS founding Misleading This is a broad causal claim. The transcript does not provide primary-source linkage (scripture, policy, institutional directive) connecting LDS founding
to kidnapping/rape. Similarity of themes (e.g., revelation language) is not proof of “roots” without defined mechanism.
LDS Church statement on “erroneous connections”
Joseph Smith Papers (primary sources hub)

Core Findings

  • Covenant Layering: LDS history includes contested practices (e.g., plural marriage), but “roots” must be specified: What text? What instruction? What direct causal chain?
  • Category Discipline: “Religious delusion” is cross-tradition. To claim “roots” in Joseph Smith, the analysis must show reliance on Joseph-era texts or rites as causal drivers—not merely rhetorical parallels.

“Roots in Joseph Smith” is asserted as a narrative conclusion rather than proven with a primary-source chain.

Finding 3 — “God allowed it / God told me” parallel to Joseph Smith

Speaker: Panel dialogue
00:11:47
"...the night he came to kidnap me, if he couldn't find a way in, then that was God's will not to do it."
00:12:16
"...Joseph Smith, everything that he did, he said, 'Oh, God God told me I had to marry this 14-year-old...'"
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Mitchell’s “God’s will” framing parallels Joseph Smith’s “God told me” pattern Partial Truth It is fair to note rhetorical similarity (divine-authorization language). It is not automatically fair to convert similarity into doctrinal causation.
LDS doctrine and policy condemn coercion and abuse; a “God told me” claim can be framed as unauthorized, delusional, and contrary to stewardship.
LDS General Conference: “Healing the Tragic Scars of Abuse” (Elder Richard G. Scott, 1992)
D&C 132 (plural marriage scripture text)
Joseph Smith Papers (context for D&C 132)

Core finding

  • Authorized vs. Unauthorized Revelation: LDS systems claim revelation is constrained by stewardship. A kidnapper’s private “revelation” to harm others is doctrinally invalid and disciplinable.
  • Precision Move: A valid critique is “revelation language can be weaponized.” An invalid leap is “therefore LDS doctrine caused kidnapping.”

Similar rhetorical form is real; converting that into institutional culpability requires stronger evidence than the transcript provides.

 

Finding 4 — “Polygamy is obviously Mormon” as blueprint for kidnapping

Speaker: John
00:36:06
"...polygamy is obviously Mormon. The idea of an already married man wanting to take not just a second wife but seven other wives..."
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Mitchell’s multi-wife aim links to Joseph-era polygamy and thus “Mormon story” causation Misleading Polygamy is historically associated with early LDS practice and remains present in LDS scripture (D&C 132). However, kidnapping/rape are distinct crimes
not endorsed by LDS policy; equating “plural marriage doctrine exists” with “kidnapping blueprint” is a category collapse unless direct instruction is shown.
D&C 132 (official LDS text)
Joseph Smith Papers — D&C 132
LDS Church newsroom statement (Mar 24, 2003)

Core Finding

  • Covenant Layering: The existence of a contested doctrine does not establish that a separate crime (kidnapping/rape) is doctrinally directed.
  • Reputational Discipline: Critique the doctrine on its own terms (history, ethics, theology). Don’t “smuggle” kidnapping into the same bucket without proof.

“Polygamy is Mormon” can be historically true; “therefore kidnapping is Mormon-rooted” is an evidentiary leap.

 

Finding #5 — “Sex sin next to murder” scriptural framing used as interpretive engine

Speaker: John
00:51:53
"...The first is from the Book of Mormon itself in the Book of Alma chapter 39..."
"...'these things are an abomination in the sight of the Lord. Yay, most abominable above all sins, save it be the shedding of innocent blood or denying the Holy Ghost.'"
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Alma 39 “abominable above all sins” positions sexual sin near murder and shapes harmful purity culture Not Provable (as direct causation) Alma 39:5 text exists and is often interpreted as placing sexual sin among the “most abominable” sins. That can contribute to purity culture dynamics,
but direct causal linkage to an individual victim’s internal shame requires clinical evidence and personal testimony beyond what’s established here.
BYU Religious Studies Center discussing Alma 39:5
Scripture Central on Alma 39:5

Core Finding

  • Truth discipline: Alma 39:5 is real text. The transcript’s use is interpretive.

Scripture exists; causation is not proven by citation alone.

 

Finding #6 — “Better dead than unclean” leadership quotes applied to rape/purity shame

Speaker: John
00:54:27
"...Marion G. Romney saying, 'We would rather come to this station and take your body off the train in a casket than to have you come home unclean...'"
"...Heber J. Grant... 'There is no true Latter-day Saint who would not rather bury a son or a daughter than to have him or her lose his or her chastity...'"
"...Bruce R. McConkie... 'better dead clean than alive unclean'..."
"...Spencer W. Kimble... 'It is better to die in defending one's virtue than to live having lost it without a struggle'..."
"...Gordon B. Hinckley said... 'She'd rather have me come home dead than unclean.'"
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Historical LDS leadership rhetoric elevates “virtue” over life and can intensify rape-related shame Partial Truth The quotes cited in the transcript are verifiable in multiple sources. It is reasonable that such rhetoric can intensify sexual shame culture.
However, LDS doctrine also contains explicit statements that victims are not responsible for abuse; therefore “the church teaches rape victims are unclean”
is not a fair summary. The more accurate critique is: leadership rhetoric historically promoted extreme chastity messaging that can be harmful.
Marion G. Romney, “Trust in the Lord” (Apr 1979) — “casket” quote
Conference Report PDF (Apr 1967) — Hinckley “come home dead than unclean” (archived primary PDF)
McConkie quote with scan link to Mormon Doctrine PDF (Archive.org)
Richard G. Scott (1992): victims “not responsible” (official GC page)

Core Finding

  • Truth + precision: The rhetoric exists and is harmful in many real-world settings, especially when stated without context. But The Church of Jesus Christ of LDS also states abuse victims “are not responsible.” Both are true and must be held together honestly.
  • Risk note: Doctrinal critique should target the rhetoric’s potential negative implications without falsely claiming the Church endorses rape.

Verified historical chastity rhetoric can plausibly amplify shame if used as a fear tool—but it is not the same as official endorsement of victim guilt.

 

Finding #7 — Richard G. Scott “degree of responsibility” statement

Speaker: John quoting Scott
01:08:27
"...Richard G. Scott ... said in general conference ... 'At some point in time, however, the Lord may prompt a victim to recognize a degree of responsibility for abuse.'"
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
GC messaging includes victim responsibility framing (victim-blame risk) True (re: existence of the talk) / Harmful (implication) The referenced General Conference talk exists and includes language that has been widely criticized as victim-blaming.
Notably, the same talk also affirms victims “are not responsible” when harmed against their will—creating internal tension in messaging.
Official GC text: “Healing the Tragic Scars of Abuse” (Apr 1992)

Legal & Logic Analysis

  • Defamation/false light relevance: When evaluating blame assignment in abuse contexts, public statements can shape institutional reputation and survivor expectations. This is a reputationally sensitive category. The quote from Elder Scott is rational and does not in any way say that victims have a degree of responsibility generally.

The leadership messaging is verifiable and contains language that can be interpreted as victim-blaming; this is one of the transcript’s strongest “institutional messaging harm” evidentiary points. Elder Scott’s quote is clearly NOT intended to victim shame or tell victims they are responsible. John again takes any statement and uses it for his purposes without context.

 

Finding #8 — “Consent wasn’t taught” and sexual vocabulary suppression

Speaker: Panel dialogue describing Elizabeth’s reported experience
00:47:45
"...no one had discussed with me the difference between consensual sex and intimacy versus rape. I had a lot of shame..."
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Consent education absent; purity framing dominates; shame increases Partial Truth The transcript asserts a common dynamic in conservative purity cultures. However, “uniquely Mormon” is not established.
LDS official materials do condemn abuse and affirm victim innocence (see Scott 1992), yet local culture/practice can differ widely.
Scott (1992) — official condemnation of abuse + “not responsible” language

Consent gaps are plausible and common in purity systems, but exclusivity (“Mormon only”) is not proven.

 

Finding #9 — Library encounter + religious deference 

Speaker: Panel dialogue
01:53:51
"...their religion forbids her to show her face..."
"...And the police officer said fine."
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Investigator backed off due to claimed religion; implies systemic over-deference to religion Not Provable (intent/motive) The event is described in transcript as a religious claim leading to non-escalation. The deeper claim—“excessive religious legal protections caused this outcome”—requires
case-specific documentation of the officer’s reasoning, departmental policy, and legal constraints.
(Case-history sources vary; this packet focuses on verified doctrinal/policy sources and transcript fidelity.)

The narrative is emotionally compelling, but a systemic legal conclusion requires more primary documentation than the transcript supplies.

 

Finding #10 — “Mitchell/Barzee LDS affiliation” and Church public response

Speaker: Panel exchange
02:06:54
"...David Mitchell and Wanda did not belong to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints... technically true, but is misleading..."
"...he definitely believed Joseph Smith was inspired..."
Claim Summary Category Evaluation Sources
Debate over whether affiliation status negates “Mormon influence” framing True (re: public dispute exists) The LDS Church publicly addressed media “erroneous connections” soon after the arrest, emphasizing that Mitchell’s writings/doctrines were not LDS doctrine.
This is the proper “institutional rebuttal baseline.”
Official LDS Church Newsroom: “Erroneous Reporting of Elizabeth Smart Case” (Mar 24, 2003)

Whatever one concludes about cultural influence, the Church’s official position rejecting doctrinal linkage is verifiable and must be included for fair analysis.

 

Sources

Primary LDS sources cited above:

Supporting scripture commentary sources

Note on non-primary sources: Where the transcript references quotes attributed to books like The Miracle of Forgiveness or compilations like Gospel Standards, this packet prioritizes primary LDS-hosted sources and primary PDFs when available (e.g., conference report PDFs). Where only secondary index pages exist, they are not used as sole proof unless accompanied by a primary scan link.

 

Ex Mormon Podcasters Victorious? Not So Fast John.

Ex Mormon Podcasters Victorious? Not So Fast John.

Can Mormon Podcasters Declare “Victory”? Five Claims in John Dehlin’s Essay That Need Stronger Receipts

A critical-but-evidence-open analysis of five of the most subjective or least-supported claims in John Dehlin’s Feb. 11, 2026 Substack post—distinguishing
documented facts from asserted motives, causal credit-claims, and numbers presented with more certainty than the sources warrant.

John Dehlin (Substack)
Reviewed: Feb 20, 2026

Summary Table

# Claim Why it matters
1 Church “intentionally hid” history and “punished truth-tellers” Asserts institutional intent as fact without producing the internal evidence required to prove intent.
2 Podcasts “forced” transparency projects and policy shifts Converts possible influence into claimed causal control without receipts from decision-makers.
3 “Over $300B” + “fraud/cover-up” framing Uses a mix of estimates and enforcement actions, then upgrades them into a single settled “fraud” narrative.
4 “Internal pollsters” + SEO drove the “Mormon” rebrand Highly specific internal-knowledge claim offered without any underlying poll, memo, or dataset.
5 Women “serve at equal rates” as men It’s verifiable—and reporting indicates women are ~30%, not 50%.

1) “Intentional hiding” + “punishing truth-tellers” is asserted as fact, not demonstrated

Where it appears in Dehlin’s essay: around lines 43–44.

Dehlin’s wording:

Church intentionally hiding its problematic history

Objective issue

This is a motive claim at institutional scale. Motive can be argued, but it can’t be declared as settled fact without
internal documentation (policies, directives, admissions) showing an intent to hide information—versus uneven teaching, cultural
assumptions, or “correlated” curriculum choices.

What the evidence can support

  • There are documented cases where prominent thinkers faced Church discipline (e.g., the “September Six”), supporting a narrower claim:
    some public dissent collided with institutional boundaries.
  • But “directly due to intentional hiding” is a stronger conclusion than the publicly available evidence in the essay itself establishes.

What would count as proof?

  • Internal communications instructing leaders/teachers to withhold specific historical facts to preserve belief.
  • Decision-maker testimony that concealment (not pedagogy, not prioritization, not correlation) was the goal.

Key links:
Dehlin’s Substack essay
Dialogue: “The September Six…”

2) “Podcasts forced transparency” is influence presented as proven causation

Where it appears in Dehlin’s essay: around lines 49–60.

Dehlin’s wording:
forced the LDS Church
(Substack line ~49)

Objective issue

It’s plausible that podcasts and online criticism added pressure. The problem is the upgrade from
“we influenced” to “we forced”—a causation claim that requires evidence from inside the decision chain.

What the record supports

  • The transparency projects exist (Joseph Smith Papers, Gospel Topics pages/essays, Saints volumes).
  • The Joseph Smith Papers Project was officially established in April 2001—well before the “podcast era” framing centered on pre-2005.
    That does not disprove later influence, but it does undermine “podcasts caused it” as a simple story.

Evidence-open framing

A defensible middle-ground claim is: podcasts likely contributed to external awareness and pressure, while these projects also reflect
long-running internal archival work, scholarly standards, and institutional priorities.

Key links:
Joseph Smith Papers FAQ (project established 2001)
Church Newsroom: Gospel Topics context

3) “Over $300B” + “fraud” framing mixes estimates with legal categories

Where it appears in Dehlin’s essay: around line 43 and again around lines 55 and 97.

Dehlin’s wording (short excerpt):
over $300 Billion
(Substack lines ~43 / ~55 / ~97)

Objective issue

“Hundreds of billions” is often discussed as an estimate (combining models for investments and other assets).
But presenting a single round number as a settled audited fact—then labeling the entire story “fraud”—blurs:
(a) what is proven by enforcement actions, (b) what is estimated, and (c) what is moral judgment.

What the record supports

  • The SEC described disclosure violations related to Ensign Peak and the use of shell entities to obscure the Church’s equity portfolio
    and control structure, with fines totaling $5 million.
  • The SEC action is real; what it proves is specific (a disclosure/reporting structure and related failures), not a blanket finding that
    “the Church committed $300B fraud.”

Evidence-open correction

A maximally accurate phrasing is: “The SEC found serious disclosure violations tied to Ensign Peak’s reporting approach; separately,
analysts estimate total Church assets in the hundreds of billions. Treat the $300B+ figure as an estimate unless an audited total is publicly released.”

Key links:
SEC Press Release (2023-35)
AP: SEC fines & portfolio coverage

4) “Internal pollsters” + “SEO caused rebrand” is highly specific—but unsupported

Where it appears in Dehlin’s essay: around line 69.

Dehlin’s wording (short excerpt):
internal LDS Church pollsters
(Substack line ~69)

Objective issue

This claim is both specific and consequential (it asserts internal polling results and strategic branding causation).
But the essay does not provide the poll, the methodology, or any internal documentation—so readers can’t verify it.

What we can verify publicly

  • President Nelson publicly framed the naming emphasis as a doctrinal issue (removing the Savior’s name from the Church’s name, etc.).
    Whether one accepts that rationale or not, it is the stated public reason and must be weighed.
  • Media dynamics (including SEO) are plausibly part of modern institutional communications—but “this caused the rebrand” needs evidence.

Evidence-open approach

If Dehlin (or others) can produce the polls or internal docs, this claim becomes testable. Until then, it’s best classified as
Not Provable and should be treated as an interpretation—not a documented fact.

Key links:
Nelson: “The Correct Name of the Church” (2018)
Reuters: “Mormonism besieged by the modern age” (2012)

5) “Women now serve at equal rates” is checkable—and doesn’t check out

Where it appears in Dehlin’s essay: around line 91.

Dehlin’s wording (short excerpt):
women now serve at equal rates
(Substack line ~91)

Objective issue

This is the kind of claim that strengthens an argument only if it’s accurate. “Equal rates” implies parity (roughly 50/50).
Public reporting does not support that.

What the public sources support

  • The Church announced (Nov 21, 2025) that women can serve at age 18 (same minimum age as men), effective immediately.
  • Reporting around that announcement described women as roughly ~29% of missionaries—not “equal rates.”

Evidence-open correction

A more accurate claim is: “Women can now serve at the same minimum age as men (18), and women’s participation has risen—but it is still not equal in share.”

Key links:
Church Newsroom: Women may now serve at 18
AP: Women now eligible at 18; women ~29% of missionaries

What would change our mind?

MormonTruth is critical of overreach and open to evidence. For the disputed causal and internal-knowledge claims above,
the fastest path to clarity would be:

  • Internal documentation (polls, memos, emails, meeting notes) showing what leadership believed and why decisions were made.
  • Decision-maker testimony linking specific transparency actions directly to podcast/media pressure (not just general “internet age”).
  • Clear definitions (e.g., what “fraud” means legally vs. morally; what counts as “forced”).

Sources

  1. John Dehlin (Substack), “Can Mormon Podcasters Finally Declare ‘Victory’?” (Feb 11, 2026):

    https://johndehlin.substack.com/p/can-mormon-podcasters-declare-victory
  2. Joseph Smith Papers Project FAQ (project established April 2001):

    https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/faq
  3. Church Newsroom: “Church Provides Context for Recent Media Coverage on Gospel Topics Pages” (Nov 11, 2014):

    https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/article/church-provides-context-gospel-topics-pages
  4. SEC Press Release (2023-35): Charges involving Ensign Peak disclosure structure (Feb 21, 2023):

    https://www.sec.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2023-35
  5. Associated Press: SEC fines and description of shell-company reporting (Feb 21, 2023):

    https://apnews.com/article/mormonism-us-securities-and-exchange-commission-religion-business-a598c9ef9544f57e0b60d5ca80774bf7
  6. Russell M. Nelson, “The Correct Name of the Church” (General Conference, Oct 2018):

    https://www.churchofjesuschrist.org/study/general-conference/2018/10/the-correct-name-of-the-church?lang=eng
  7. Church Newsroom: Women may now serve missions at age 18 (Nov 21, 2025):

    https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/article/women-missionary-service-age-18
  8. Associated Press: Women’s missionary age change; participation share context (Nov 21, 2025):

    https://apnews.com/article/latter-day-saints-mormons-women-missionaries-6b0ab190d41e596a9a5aa81f94b6f2aa
  9. Dialogue Journal: “The September Six and the Lost Generation of Mormon Studies”:

    The September Six and the Lost Generation of Mormon Studies


Bottom line: Dehlin’s essay lists real changes and real tensions—but the most “victory” flavored claims
tend to be the ones that require the strongest receipts: motive, causation, internal polling, and numerical certainty.
Was the LDS Church “Caught Lying”? A Closer Look at the Evidence

Was the LDS Church “Caught Lying”? A Closer Look at the Evidence

PODCAST CLAIMS REGARDING ABUSE HELP LINE “RECORDS”


SUMMARY

A podcast segment from Mormon Discussion Inc. (Radio Free Mormon and Bill Reel) alleges that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was “caught lying” and committing perjury because a Church newsroom statement references “help line records from August 2013,” while Church representatives in other legal cases allegedly testified that help line records are destroyed daily.

This rebuttal evaluates each claim using transcript-only quotations, legal standards, and publicly available reporting. The central analytical issue is definitional: the word “records” can refer to multiple categories (e.g., metadata, call logs, contemporaneous summaries, retained notes, or recordings). Without establishing that the same category of record is being referenced in both contexts, claims of perjury or fraud are not substantiated.


SEGMENT 1: CLAIM THAT THE CHURCH WAS “CAUGHT LYING AGAIN”

Timestamp: 00:02:07 – 00:03:26
Speaker: Podcast Host

Word-for-Word Quote

“Helpline records from August 2013 directly contradict this narrative. Hold it. Stop the presses. What the [__] did you just do, Mormon church? You just proved that you are lying again… we don’t have them because all the records are destroyed at the end of the day. Sign Paul Ridding under penalty of perjury.”

Core Claim

The Church committed perjury because it now references “helpline records from August 2013” after allegedly swearing that all records are destroyed daily.

Claim Type

Legal accusation / institutional dishonesty.

The argument depends on treating the word “records” as a single, fixed category. In legal and operational contexts, records may include:

  • Call metadata (dates, number of calls)

  • Routing or intake logs

  • Contemporaneous summaries

  • Retained notes or recordings (which may be subject to destruction policies)

Without producing the actual sworn testimony text and demonstrating that it covered all categories of records (including metadata or summaries), the allegation of perjury does not meet the legal standard of material falsity plus intent.

Sources


SEGMENT 2: CLAIM THAT THE HELP LINE IS A “COVER-UP”

Timestamp: 00:04:37 – 00:05:43
Speaker: RFM

Word-for-Word Quote

“The earlier AP investigation found that the helpline plays a central role in the cover up of child sex abuse in the Mormon church… directs the most serious cases to attorneys… all information… is confidential under the clergy penitent privilege… and attorney client privilege.”

Core Claim

The help line exists primarily to cover up child sexual abuse.

Claim Type

Motive attribution / institutional misconduct allegation.

Evaluation

Routing sensitive matters to legal counsel and asserting clergy-penitent or attorney-client privilege is lawful and common among institutions. The Associated Press describes how these mechanisms operate but does not make a judicial finding that the help line’s purpose is criminal concealment.

To substantiate a “cover-up” claim as fact, evidence of intent to obstruct reporting or prosecution—confirmed by court findings—would be required.

Sources


SEGMENT 3: SPECULATION ABOUT RECORDED CALLS

Timestamp: 00:08:25 – 00:09:42
Speaker: RFM

Word-for-Word Quote

“This almost leads me to believe that it’s not somebody writing out notes… This is a recorded phone call… They’re recording the phone call and they have the transcript or they have the audio.”

Core Claim

The Church must be recording and retaining hotline calls.

Claim Type

Speculation presented as inference.

Evaluation

Detailed summaries can be produced without audio recordings through structured intake processes or contemporaneous documentation. The speaker explicitly signals inference (“almost leads me to believe”), which cannot support accusations of fraud or perjury.


SEGMENT 4: CALL FOR CONTEMPT AND “FRAUD UPON THE COURT”

Timestamp: 00:10:39 – 00:10:59
Speaker: RFM

Word-for-Word Quote

“I think those need to have new actions taken and the church held in contempt of court for perpetrating a fraud upon the court.”

Core Claim

The Church committed fraud upon the court.

Claim Type

Unsupported legal conclusion.

Evaluation

“Fraud upon the court” is a narrow doctrine determined by judges, requiring proof of intentional deception that corrupted the judicial process. No ruling, filing, or evidentiary showing is cited.

Reference: Cornell Law School, Legal Information Institute — Perjury
https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/perjury


FINAL CONCLUSION

The podcast’s narrative relies on:

  • Conflation of legal terms (“records”)

  • Speculation elevated to accusation

  • Motive attribution without adjudicated findings

  • Repeated assertions of criminal conduct without evidence

As presented, claims of perjury, fraud, and institutional cover-up are not substantiated by the evidence cited.


OBJECTIVITY STATEMENT

This rebuttal does not intend to minimize abuse or dismiss victims. Mormontruth.org acknowledges the reality of abuse by members of the Church and condemns all abuse in any form. It evaluates claims strictly on evidence, legal standards, and verifiability. Allegations of criminal conduct require adjudicated findings, not inference or rhetorical escalation.

Spiritual Wifery in Nauvoo: Rebuttal to Mormon Stories “World on Fire”

Spiritual Wifery in Nauvoo: Rebuttal to Mormon Stories “World on Fire”

Mormon Stories Podcast – Episode 2112

Five Places the Podcast Turns “Spiritual Wifery” Evidence into Assumption

Podcast: Mormon Stories — Joseph Smith Podcast
Episode: 2112 Series Part 31 
Primary topic: John C. Bennett, “spiritual wifery,” Nauvoo scandal framing
Tone intent: Critical of overreach, open to evidence either way

The episode raises real historical questions. Nauvoo in 1841–1843 includes documented secrecy, allegations of sexual misconduct, reputational warfare, and deep human cost. Those are not things we should sanitize.

But the podcast also makes several highly subjective leaps—moves where the audience is nudged to treat a plausible interpretation as settled fact, or where modern criminal/abuse categories are pasted onto messy 1840s disputes without careful definitions.

Below are five of the most substantive “subjective overreach” moments—each paired with a tighter, more evidence-disciplined way to read the record.


1) “It seems impossible Bennett wasn’t told by Joseph…”

Why this matters: suspicion is not proof

Timestamp: 00:11:13–00:11:52
Speaker: John Dehlin

my opinion is it seems impossible that John C. Bennett wasn’t at least told by Joseph Smith about eternal polygamy and began practicing it, you know, after Joseph told him about it.

it just it’s it’s too coincidental… he’s going to get accused of spiritual wiferey, but somehow that emerged completely independent and unaware of Joseph’s own polygamy. It just seems impossible.

Core claim

Because Joseph was privately teaching plural marriage, Bennett’s “spiritual wifery” accusations almost certainly trace back to Joseph’s disclosure/approval.

Claim type

Probability argument / inference presented as near-certainty

Objective analysis

This is a reasonable question—but it’s still a probability claim, not a demonstrated fact.

A more disciplined way to frame it:

  • Yes, Bennett plausibly had awareness of rumors and/or insider knowledge about plural marriage. The episode itself has Turner concede Bennett had “detailed information,” and the historical documentary record shows “spiritual wifery” accusations swirling in that period.

  • No, awareness does not equal authorization—especially not authorization for Bennett-style promiscuity framed as “permission if kept secret.” The Joseph Smith Papers editorial framing explicitly distinguishes Bennett’s “spiritual wife” accusations from what Joseph and insiders considered their (separate) plural-marriage practice—and notes that participants did not even use “spiritual wife/wifery” as their own term.

  • The record also preserves an episode where Bennett publicly denied—strongly—that Joseph ever authorized “illicit intercourse.” That denial doesn’t prove Bennett was truthful forever (he later attacked Joseph), but it does prove the episode is more complicated than “impossible.”

Spiritual framework

You can interpret Nauvoo two very different ways:

  • Counterfeit-permission framework: “Spiritual wifery” functions as a predatory spiritual pretext—men claiming religious permission for sex while demanding secrecy.

  • Covenant-layering framework: plural marriage (however controversial) was presented among insiders as a covenant practice under claimed authority—distinct (in their minds) from seduction tactics.

The key point: the podcast often collapses these frameworks into one story, then treats the collapse as proven.

Bottom line

“It seems impossible” is not evidence. A fair conclusion is: Bennett likely knew something—by rumor or disclosure—but the leap to ‘therefore Joseph approved Bennett’s system’ is not proven by the best documentary framing.

Evaluation Table — Segment 1

Claim summary Category Evaluation Sources
“Impossible” Bennett wasn’t told/approved by Joseph Not Provable (Speculative) Plausible question, but not demonstrated; documentary framing distinguishes terms and practices; Bennett denial exists Transcript ; JSP intro on terminology and corroboration limits ; Bennett denial in Times & Seasons publication

Rhetorical tactic tag: certainty inflation (“impossible”) from incomplete data.


2) “This is where the Church’s long history of coverups of sexual abuse begins”

Why this matters: anacty into indictment

Word-for-word quote

Timestamp: 01:13:58–01:15:36
Speaker: John Dehlin
Transcript lines: 317, 320

this is where the Mormon church’s super long history of coverups

of sexual uh, abuse scandals begins… the playbook… begins in in 1842 Nauvoo

Core claim

A Nauvoo-era caution about publicity is the origin point of modern institutional sexual-abuse coverups.

Claim type

Institutional motive attribution + modern scandal backcasting

Objective analysis

This is one of the episode’s biggest interpretive leaps:

  • The transcript segment is triggered by language about public scandal management (“don’t make everything public…”). That is not automatically a “sexual k.” It can be (and often is) general crisis containment—sometimes wise, sometimes cowardly, soming on what is being concealed and why.

  • The Relief Society minutes and Church Historian’s Press material show the same era also includes women and leaders emphasizing moral reform and “putting down iniquity.” That complicates any simple “coverup origin story.”

  • Even the Church’s own modern historical synthesis acknowledges a dilemma in the 1842 public denials: leaders wanted to refute Bennett’s accusations without publicly explaining confidential plural marriage. That’s not flattering—but it’s not identical to “covering sexual abuse.”

Bottom line

The podcast is right that Nauvoo leaders engaged in reputation management. It is not shown that this equals the “beginning” of modern sexual-abuse coverup systems. That claim is too categorical for the evidence being discussed.

Evaluation Table — Segment 2

Claim summary Category Evaluation Sources
“1842 Nauvoo = origin of LDS abuse-coverup playbook” Misleading (Anachronism) Evidence supports scandal-avoidance language and confidentiality dilemmas, not a proven causal origin of modern abuse coverups Transcript ; Relief Society minutes context (Church Historians Press) ; Church Historian’s Press on denial dilemma ; Gospel Topics essay framing “spiritual wifery” + denials

Rhetorical tactic tag: category collapse (scandal management → abuse coverup).


3) “Lies to smear truthful whistleblowers”

Why this matters: labeling someone “truthful” is itself a factual claim

Word-for-word quote

Timestamp: 01:25:01–01:25:47
Speaker: John Dehlin (with Turner affirming)
Transcript line: 362

the smearing, the use of lies to smear uh truthful whistleblowers. Is that fair to say?

I think that’s certainly fair to say in this context… yes.

Core claim

Joseph/Church used deliberate lies to smear women who were truth-tellers and “whistleblowers.”

Claim type

Defamassertion (“lies,” “truthful”) presented as settled

Objective analysis

There are two separate questions the podcast merges into one:

  1. Were there public conflicts and reputational attacks?
    Yes—Nauvoo’s Bennett crisis produced dueling claims, affidavits, public statements, and deep polarization.

  2. Were the targeted women “truthful whistleblowers,” and were the counterclaims “lies”?
    That is not something you get to assert as a premise. It requires case-by-case evidence and careful weighting of sources, timing, incentives, and corroboration.

Even Church Historian’s Press framing makes clear that public denials were shaped by a dilemma: refuting Bennett while not publicly disclosing confidential plural marriage. That context can generate misleading public messaging—but “misleading under a confidentiality dilemma” is not automatically identical to “knowing lies to smear truthful whistleblowers.”

The episode’s moral outrage may be understandable, but the language “lies” and “truthful whistleblowers” fun delivered before the evidentiary trial.

Evaluation Table — Segment 3

| 01:25:01 | 01:25:47 | “Lies used to smear truthful whistleblowers” | Not Provable (Overstated) | Conflict and reputation warfare are documented; calling one side “truthful” and the other “lying” requires claim-by-claim proof not provided here | Transcript ; Times & Seasons contextual framing (JSP) ; Church Historian’s Press: public denials dilemma |

Rhetorical tactic tag: verdict language (“truthful,” “lies”) without evidentiary scaffolding.


4) The Whitney letter: “I need sex… bring your daughter” + “trafficking”

Why this matters: you can be morally critical without making claims the text doesn’t make

Word-for-word quotes

A) Letter read aloud, then reinterpreted
Timestamp: 01:57:43–01:59:00
Speaker: John Dehlin (reading and then paraphrasing)

I take this opportunity to communicate some of my feelings privately…

…it would afford me great relief… now is the time to afford me sucker in the days of exile.

I wanna I need some sex. Can you bring your daughter?

B) Criminal-label escalation
Timestamp: 02:00:56
Speaker: John Dehlin

they’re complicit in not only trafficking their daughter to Joseph Smith

C) Turner’s own corrective—spiritual motivation claim
Timestamp: 02:10:02
Speaker: John Turner

trafficking. Well, first of all, they believe what Joseph is telling them theologically…

Core claims

  1. The letter’s “succor” language is basically a request for sex with a teenager.

  2. The parents “trafficked” their daughter.
    retive paraphrase → asserted as meaning; then criminal-label rhetoric

Objective analysis

This is where precision matters most.

What the transcript does establish

  • The letter (as read in the episode) is emotionally intense, requests a visit, and includes secrecy cues (the episode discusses burning the letter and hiding from Emma). That is legitimate evidence of a clandestine relationship and concealment—at minimum.

  • “Succor” in early English usage means help/aid/relief, not inherently sex. The podcast’s phrase “sexual sucker” is not an evidentiary translation; it’s an interpretation layered onto the word.

  • The letter is a known historical document (the Joseph Smith Papers hosts it).

What the transcript does not establish

  • The paraphrase “I need some sex” is not the text. It may reflect Dehlin’s impression of the implications, but it is still an inference—and should

  • “Trafficking” is a modern criminal term with defined elements (force, fraud, coercion, exploitation frameworks,h-century clandestine sealing arrangement “trafficking” is rhetorically explodoes not match the legal definition** as used by major authorities.

A more honest critical phrasing

If someone wants to be ethically critical without overclaiming, a tighe:

  • “The letter strongly suggests secrecy and a clandestine relationship involving a 17-year-old. That is ethically disturbing to many modern readers, and the concealment from Emma raises serious moral questions.”

That’s strong criticism—without imbel the evidence in this segment doesn’t establish.

The Whitney letter is serious evidence of secrecy and relationship complexity. But “I need sex” and “trafficking” are interpretive escalations, not direct textual conclusions.

Evaluation Table — Segment 4

Claim summary Category Evaluation Sources
“Succor” letter = “I need sex” Misleading (Interpretation stated as text) The episode reads the letter, then inserts sexual paraphrase; secrecy is evidenced, but sex is not explicitly stated in the quoted wording Transcript ; Webster 1828 on “succor” meaning aid/relief ; JSP hosts the letter
Parents “trafficked” their daughter False / Defamatory Label (as used here) The term “trafficking” has defined elements; this segment does not establish those elements; better to use accurate moral language without criminal claims Transcript ; U.S. State Dept definition overview ; UN Palermo Protocol definition framework

Rhetorical tactic tag: prosecutorial labeling (high emotional impact, low evidentiary fit).
Risk flag: 🔴 High false-light risk for “trafficking.”


5) “The difference between Joseph and Epstein/Jeffs is indistinguishable”

Why this matters: disgust-transfer is not historiography

Word-for-word quote

Timestamp: 01:32:22–01:33:04
Speaker: John Dehlin

the difference between him and Jeffrey Epstein and Warren Jeffs is indistinguishable

Core claim

Joseph Smith is morally indistinguishable from modern, infamous sexual predators.

Claim type

Analogy as verdict

Objective analysis

Analogies can be useful when they clarify a mechanism. This one mostly does something else: it imports moral certainty from modern criminal cases into a historically contested, differently documented context.

Even if one concludes Joseph behaved grievously, “indistinguishable” is still an overreach because:

  • Modern predator cases often involve documented criminal patterns, victims, corroboration structures, and legal adjudication that are not parallel to how 1840s records function.

  • The analogy short-circuits evidence: it pressures the listener to feel that the conclusion is already morally decided, so source analysis becomes almost irrelevant.

A more evidence-open approach would be:

  • “Some patterns of secrecy, authority, and sexual access claims raise ethical concerns. But we should still evaluate each Nauvoo allegation on its own documents rather than collapsing everything into type.”

This analogy is emotionally potent but evidentially weak. It functions as rhetorical “verdict language,” not careful historical reasoning.

Evaluation Table — Segment 5

Claim summary Category Evaluation Sources
Joseph “indistinguishable” from Epstein/Jeffs Misleading (False Equivalence) Emotional comparison substitutes for documentary argument; doesn’t adjudicate specific Nauvoo claims Transcript

Rhetorical tactic tag: guilt-by-association / disgust transfer.
**Risk flag:*false-light risk (implied equivalence to child sex abuse).


What we can responsibly say after these five corrections

If we’re trying to be critical and evidence-based:

  • The episode is right to treat Nauvoo as morally and historically complex.

  • But it repeatedly blurs three categories:

    1. documented secrecy and scandal-control,

    2. documented public controversy/affidavits/dueling claims, and

    3. proven criminal abuse systems (a modern category with defined terms).

Keeping those separate doesn’t “exonerate” anyone. It just keeps us honest.


Sources consulted for this blog

(Only transcript quotes above are quoted; sources below are used for documentary framing and definitions.)

  • Joseph Smith Papers — Introduction to Journals: Volume 3 (terminology + corroboration cautions reery”)

  • Joseph Smith Papers — Times and Seasons, 1 Oct. 1842 (“On Marriage”) (distinguishes Bennett’s “secret wife system” from insider plural marriage framing)

  • Joseph Smith Papers — Letter to the Church and Others… as published (Bennett denial episode in the record)

  • Joseph Smith Papers — Letter to the Whitneys, 18 Aug. 1842 (document hosting)

  • Webster’s 1828 — “succor” (meaning as aid/relief)

  • Church Historian’s Press — Relief Society minutes entry containing “little tale will set the world on fire” context

  • Church Historian’s Press — Statement context on public denials dilemma (Doc 1.6)

  • Gospel Topics Essay — Plural Marriage in Kirtland and Nauvoo (mentions rumors, “spiritual wifery,” and carefully worded denials)

  • U.S. Dept. of State — “What is trafficking in persons?” overview definition framework

  • OHCHR (UN) — Palermo Protocol trafficking definition framework

The Facts: Priesthood and Race in LDS History

The Facts: Priesthood and Race in LDS History

Introduction

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) teaches that God’s love and salvation are available to all people, regardless of race. Its scriptures proclaim that God created diverse races and “esteems them all equally,” for “all are alike unto God” churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Today, Latter-day Saint congregations are thoroughly integrated, and Church leaders unequivocally condemn racism in any form churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Despite this inclusive doctrine, the LDS Church for much of its history (from the mid-1800s until 1978) restricted Black members of African descent from full participation in certain sacred rites—most notably by barring Black men from priesthood ordination and Black men and women from temple ordinances churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This historical restriction on Black Africans and the priesthood has been a source of controversy, criticism, and misunderstanding. To truly understand this complex topic, one must examine all sides: the historical facts, the evolving Church perspective, the context of the times, the criticisms raised, and the Church’s current teachings. This paper provides a well-rounded, fact-based exploration of the LDS priesthood and race issue—leaning from a faithful LDS perspective while not shying away from objective truth and difficult details.

Joseph Smith’s Era: A Foundation of Inclusion

Joseph Smith, the founding prophet of the LDS Church (1830–1844), did not institute a race-based priesthood ban. On the contrary, during Joseph’s lifetime a number of Black individuals became members of the Church and a few Black men were ordained to the priesthood churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. For example, Elijah Abel (sometimes spelled Able) was a Black Latter-day Saint ordained to the Melchizedek Priesthood in 1836; he participated in temple ceremonies in Kirtland, Ohio, and later performed proxy baptisms for deceased relatives in Nauvoo churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Another Black member, Q. Walker Lewis of Massachusetts, was also an ordained elder. There is no reliable evidence that any Black man was ever denied the priesthood under Joseph Smith’s leadership churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In fact, toward the end of his life Joseph Smith openly opposed slavery, aligning with abolitionist sentiments churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. He welcomed people of all races into the Church by allowing baptism for anyone willing to accept the gospel, and the early Church had no policy of segregated congregations churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Contemporary historians affirm that the priesthood ban “did not exist” during Joseph Smith’s tenure archive.sltrib.com. Joseph even personally associated with and ordained at least a few African Americans, reflecting his stance that God “denieth none” who come unto Him archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

It is important to note the broader context of race in early 19th-century America. The Church was established in 1830 in a nation where slavery was still legal in the South, and racist attitudes were common virtually everywhere among white Americans churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Many contemporary Christian churches were segregated by race churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Joseph Smith’s relative inclusivity was remarkable for his time. He advocated for the gradual emancipation of enslaved people and espoused equality in a period when the U.S. Supreme Court would later infamously declare that Black people had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect” (Dred Scott, 1857) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This is not to say early Latter-day Saints were completely free of the racial prejudices of their day, but Joseph’s actions set a precedent that, initially, church membership and even priesthood ordination were open to all worthy men, regardless of race churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

The Origin of the Priesthood Ban under Brigham Young

After Joseph Smith’s death in 1844, the Church’s leadership fell to Brigham Young, who led the Latter-day Saints’ migration to Utah. In 1852, Brigham Young publicly announced a new policy: men of Black African descent were no longer to be ordained to the LDS priesthood churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This marked the clear beginning of the priesthood restriction. That same year, Brigham Young—who was by then both Church President and territorial governor—addressed the Utah territorial legislature. He declared the policy of priesthood denial for Black males even as the territory passed laws permitting a form of Black “servitude” churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. It appears Brigham Young was influenced by widespread racial ideas of his era, including the belief that Africans were under the biblical “curse” of Cain and/or Ham, which supposedly marked them with dark skin churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Brigham echoed these justifications when instituting the ban, ascribing it in part to God’s curse on Cain and the lineage of Cain through Ham’s son Canaan churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Such notions were commonplace in 19th-century America and used by many to rationalize slavery and segregation churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In Brigham’s worldview (shared by many contemporaries), persons of African descent were seen as a cursed lineage who would have to wait for certain blessings.

Despite implementing this restriction, Brigham Young also prophesied that it would not be permanent. In the same speeches where he announced the ban, he stated that at a future date Black Church members would “have all the privilege and more” enjoyed by other members churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In other words, Brigham believed Black Saints would eventually receive every blessing, including priesthood and temple rites, at some future time determined by the Lord. This forward-looking caveat is significant: it indicates that even as the ban began, there was an expectation (at least by Brigham Young and subsequent leaders) that God’s “long-promised day” for full inclusion would one day come churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Indeed, later Church presidents like Heber J. Grant and David O. McKay privately affirmed their view that the restriction was temporary and would be lifted by revelation at the proper time en.wikipedia.org[2].

Why did Brigham Young initiate the ban? The exact rationale was never canonized as doctrine, and no revelatory document from that time exists mandating it. Rather, Brigham appears to have acted in line with the racial attitudes and pressures of the 1850s. Some background: the Utah Territory in 1852 was grappling with the question of slavery because a number of Latter-day Saint converts from the American South had brought enslaved people to Utah churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Brigham Young and the Utah legislature legalized a form of indentured servitude (believing it more humane than outright slavery) even as Brigham announced the priesthood ban churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The ban may have been an effort to reconcile pro-slavery settlers or to prevent sociopolitical conflict, reflecting a desire to appease pro-slavery attitudes while distinguishing Utah from the slaveholding South. In any case, church records and historical analysis make clear that the ban was implemented under Brigham Young’s leadership—not Joseph Smith’sarchive.sltrib.comarchive.sltrib.com. Modern LDS scholars and the Church itself acknowledge that Brigham Young was influenced by “common beliefs of the time” regarding racial inferiority, and thus the origin of the ban was more rooted in 19th-century racism than in divine revelation archive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com.

Life Under the Priesthood Ban: Policies and Theories (1852–1978)

For over a century after 1852, the LDS Church continued to teach the gospel to people of all races (anyone could be baptized a member), but Black members of African descent faced specific restrictions. Black men could be baptized and receive the gift of the Holy Ghost, but they were not permitted to be ordained to any office in the lay priesthood (which in the LDS Church is normally conferred on virtually all worthy male members) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. In addition, Black men and women of African descent were not allowed to participate in temple ordinances such as the endowment or eternal marriage sealings churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. These temple rites are considered essential LDS sacraments for the fullest blessings of salvation. Thus, the ban had profound spiritual and practical implications: faithful Black Latter-day Saints could not hold church leadership positions requiring priesthood, and Black families could not be sealed in LDS temples for eternity during that era.

Throughout this period, many devoted Black Latter-day Saints still found ways to contribute and remain loyal to their faith. Notably, a few Black men who had been ordained before the ban continued to hold their priesthood. Elijah Abel himself remained a member in good standing and even served several missions; however, when he requested permission in 1879 to receive his temple endowment, that request was denied due to the racial policy churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Another early Black member, Jane Manning James, who had been a close friend and servant in Joseph Smith’s household and later crossed the plains to Utah, repeatedly petitioned to enter the temple. She was only allowed limited access (performing baptisms for the dead on behalf of her ancestors) but was barred from other ordinances like the endowment during her lifetime churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. These examples underscore the painful reality of the ban for Black Latter-day Saints, who exhibited tremendous faith and patience despite being restricted from the full blessings available to others.

During the decades of the ban, numerous theories circulated among Church members and leaders to explain or justify it. It’s crucial to understand that none of these explanations were ever canonized as official doctrine, and the Church today explicitly disavows them churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. But historically, they influenced LDS folklore and attitudes. Among the prominent theories were:

Curse of Cain/Ham: The notion that Black Africans carried the “mark of Cain” for Cain’s ancient sin of murdering Abel, as well as the idea that Noah’s grandson Canaan (son of Ham) was cursed with servitude and blackness churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This theory supposed that this divine curse made Black people ineligible for priesthood until God removed the curse. Variations of this claim were commonly taught or assumed in early Mormonism and mirrored Protestant American beliefs about Africans’ destiny churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Less Valiant in Premortal Life: By the early 20th century, another idea gained currency—that Black people had been “less valiant” in the premortal existence, meaning that in the pre-earth life (when spirits ostensibly chose sides in a war in heaven) Black souls did not fight as fervently for God’s plan and thus were born into lineages banned from priesthood as a consequence churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This was a speculative attempt to fit the ban into LDS theology of a premortal life.

Interracial Marriage and Racial Purity: Some leaders taught that God forbade interracial marriages (miscegenation) and that maintaining the ban helped prevent such unions, or that mixing lineages was against divine law. For instance, well into the 20th century, church leaders like Elder Mark E. Petersen argued against interracial dating, reflecting broader societal taboos of the time.

Patriarchal Lineage Explanations: In LDS belief, priesthood was seen as following lineage of certain biblical tribes. Some suggested Black Africans were not eligible because they weren’t of the line of Israel or had a separate lineage (though this was inconsistent with other non-Israelite groups receiving priesthood).

These theories were often presented as possible reasons for God’s will, but they were not revealed truths. Significantly, LDS prophets from the mid-20th century onward questioned these folk doctrines and over time repudiated them. Today the Church has forcefully stated that black skin is not a divine curse, there was no premortal misdeed by Black souls, interracial marriage is not a sin, and no race is inferior to another churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. All past justifications for the ban are disavowed as the products of racism and speculation, not of revealed doctrine archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Through the years of the ban, church leaders themselves were sometimes uncertain and divided about its origin and status. Importantly, many early Latter-day Saints (especially after Brigham Young’s time) mistakenly assumed the ban had originated with Joseph Smith and thus must have been God’s will from the start en.wikipedia.org[2]. This widespread assumption made it difficult to reconsider the policy—after all, if a prophet (Joseph) had established it by command of God, who were they to reverse it without an equally clear divine mandate? However, by the 1960s-1970s, scholarly research (notably by LDS scholar Lester E. Bush in 1973) demonstrated that no evidence of a priesthood ban existed before 1852, strongly suggesting that Joseph Smith did not originate it en.wikipedia.org[2]. This historical finding “made it easier” for Church leaders to contemplate change en.wikipedia.org[2]—essentially realizing that the ban was a policy implemented under specific historical conditions, rather than an eternal, unchangeable doctrine.

Growing Pressures and Steps Toward Change in the 20th Century

By the mid-20th century, societal attitudes on race were shifting and the LDS Church found itself increasingly at odds with the emerging ethos of racial equality. The Civil Rights Movement brought intense scrutiny. External pressures mounted: the NAACP and other civil rights groups in the 1960s publicly protested the Church’s racial policy. In 1963, to preempt a planned NAACP protest at LDS General Conference, an LDS apostle (Hugh B. Brown) issued a statement supporting civil rights and human dignity en.wikipedia.org[2]. Throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s, there were high-profile boycotts and demonstrations—for example, Black athletes at various universities refused to compete against teams from BYU due to the Church’s discrimination en.wikipedia.org[2]. In 1974, protests arose over the Church’s policy disallowing Black Boy Scouts from serving in LDS scout troops as leaders en.wikipedia.org[2]. The Church’s growth also meant more global attention, and its stance on race became a missionary obstacle and a public relations challenge.

Internal challenges were also significant. The Church was expanding into areas like Brazil, the South Pacific, and eventually Africa—regions with racially mixed populations or Black majorities. This posed practical problems: How could one determine who had “African” ancestry sufficient to be barred? In places like Brazil where interracial mixing was extensive, implementing the ban consistently was nearly impossible en.wikipedia.org[2]. For years, in South Africa, the Church had required priesthood candidates to trace their genealogy to ensure no Black African lineage churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. President David O. McKay (Church president 1951–1970) found this unworkable: in 1954, while visiting South Africa, he changed the policy to presume a person was eligible unless known otherwise (essentially reversing the burden of proof) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. He also clarified that the ban applied only to those of Black African descent—other dark-skinned peoples (e.g., Polynesians, Fijians, Australian Aboriginals) were never barred from priesthood churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Under McKay, the Church even began missionary work in Fiji and elsewhere among non-African dark-skinned peoples, underscoring that the restriction was tied specifically to African lineage churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

President McKay is a pivotal figure because he wrestled with the ban on principle. He stated that it was a “policy” not doctrine (though in LDS practice the line between those can blur), and he sincerely sought divine guidance on whether it could be lifted churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. McKay prayed repeatedly for a revelation to end the restriction but reported that he “did not feel impressed” to lift it at that time churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Essentially, McKay felt he could not change it without an unmistakable revelatory mandate. Other apostles concurred that only a clear revelation could alter such a long-standing policy. In 1969, the LDS apostles actually took a vote on rescinding the ban (reflecting a growing sense that change was needed), and a majority favored doing so—but one senior apostle, Harold B. Lee, objected that procedurally, it required a revelation. Lee’s position prevailed and no action was taken; he later became Church president himself (1972–73) and did not lift the ba nen.wikipedia.org[2].

Meanwhile, the Church’s worldwide mission to “teach all nations” (Matthew 28:19) felt increasingly incompatible with a policy that excluded certain races from full fellowship churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Key developments in the 1970s underscored this: in Brazil, the Church had flourished among people of mixed ancestry—so much so that a temple was announced for São Paulo in 1975. As construction progressed, church leaders encountered faithful Brazilian members (some with African lineage unknown or known) who had sacrificed to build the temple but would not be allowed to enter it once completed under the existing rules churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This moral contradiction weighed heavily. Additionally, in West Africa (Nigeria and Ghana), thousands of sincere individuals had discovered Mormonism and were living its teachings, waiting for the Church to formally establish itself there churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The Church hesitated to organize fully in those nations because of the ban—how could they preach a gospel of Christ to these nations yet tell converts they could not receive priesthood or temple blessings? By the mid-1970s, it became clear that the growth and global mandate of the Church were being hampered by the ban churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Church leaders like Spencer W. Kimball (who became Church president in 1973) felt increasing spiritual urgency to resolve the issue.

In summary, three major forces converged by the 1970s:

Social Pressure and Moral Scrutiny: The civil rights era made the Church’s exclusion of Blacks a moral outlier; protests and public criticism brought unwanted attention.

Practical Administrative Difficulties: As the Church globalized (Brazil, Africa, the Caribbean, etc.), determining who was “Black African” became untenable and the ban impeded missionary work.

Prophetic Re-evaluation: Top LDS leaders prayerfully reconsidered the scriptural and historical basis (or lack thereof) for the ban. Research showing Joseph Smith’s lack of involvement helped them see it as changeable. Leaders like Spencer W. Kimball were deeply sympathetic to the plight of Black members and were motivated by a conviction that the gospel should be for “every nation, kindred, tongue, and people” without restriction churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

The 1978 Revelation and Official Declaration 2

By early 1978, Spencer W. Kimball—who had long been a compassionate advocate for all people—was intensely focused on seeking the Lord’s will regarding the priesthood ban. He spent many hours in private prayer and temple meditation on the subject en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. President Kimball even requested studies from apostles on the scriptural basis (or lack thereof) of the ban; notably, Elder Bruce R. McConkie produced a memo acknowledging no clear scriptural impediment to change en.wikipedia.org[2]. In Kimball’s heart grew a firm assurance that “the time had come” for the promised day of inclusion en.wikipedia.org[2].

On June 1, 1978, President Kimball convened a special meeting in the Salt Lake Temple with his counselors and available members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles en.wikipedia.org[2]. He shared with them his feelings, the spiritual promptings he’d received, and proposed that they unite in prayer to seek a divine confirmation. One by one, each apostle expressed support for lifting the ban—a remarkable consensus that had built up through the preceding months en.wikipedia.org[2]. They then joined together in a sacred prayer circle with President Kimball as voice, pleading for heavenly direction en.wikipedia.org[2]. What happened next is something those present described in awe for the rest of their lives: God answered with a powerful spiritual manifestation. Multiple apostles testified of feeling the Holy Spirit pour over them, giving unmistakable confirmation that the ban should be lifted en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. Elder McConkie said “the Holy Ghost descended upon us and we knew that God had manifested his will”—an experience beyond any he’d had before en.wikipedia.org[2]. Elder L. Tom Perry likened it to a “rushing of wind” that filled the room, leaving President Kimball visibly relieved and overjoyed en.wikipedia.org[2]. Elder Gordon B. Hinckley (who would later become Church President) described it as if “a conduit opened between the heavenly throne and the kneeling, pleading prophet”—an utterly sacred moment churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. There was no doubt among them that the Lord had spoken and given His approval to end the restriction newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

A week later, on June 8, 1978, the First Presidency (Kimball and his counselors) released an official letter to the Church announcing that “he (the Lord) has heard our prayers, and by revelation has confirmed that the long-promised day has come”—henceforth, “all of our brethren who are worthy may receive the priesthood,” regardless of race churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This landmark document, now known as Official Declaration 2, also made clear that all worthy members could receive temple blessings as well churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The announcement was greeted with overwhelming joy and relief among Latter-day Saints around the world churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Many members (of all races) wept and rejoiced, feeling a heavy burden of uncertainty and division being lifted churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The news made headlines nationwide, appearing on front pages and network news broadcasts en.wikipedia.org[2]. In the LDS communities of Utah and beyond, telephone lines were jammed with excited callers sharing the glad tidings en.wikipedia.org[2].

In October 1978, the Church’s general conference unanimously ratified the revelation, and Official Declaration 2 was added to the Doctrine and Covenants (one of the LDS canonized scriptures) en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. Although the text of the revelation itself (the spiritual experience in the temple) was not released, the official declaration presented it as the will of the Lord. It states that Jesus Christ, by revelation, confirmed that the time had come for every faithful, worthy man to receive the priesthood en.wikipedia.org[2]. Since then, Latter-day Saints commonly refer to this event as “the revelation on the priesthood.”

The aftermath of the 1978 revelation was immediate integration and further growth. Black men in the Church were ordained to the priesthood within days of the announcement; Black Latter-day Saints entered temples around the world soon after churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The Church moved forward to establish units in West Africa, where large numbers of people were ready to join. In 1978, one of the first Black converts in the U.S., Brother Joseph Freeman, was ordained and later became the first Black man to officiate in an LDS temple. Over time, barriers in missionary work fell away—missionaries no longer had to screen for African ancestry or avoid teaching people of certain races en.wikipedia.org[2]. The Church could truly preach the gospel “to every creature,” consistent with its teachings that God is no respecter of persons.

Crucially, LDS leaders also recognized that previous statements about race now needed correction. In a remarkable show of humility, Elder Bruce R. McConkie—who before 1978 had himself taught some of the now-discarded theories—told members that new revelation had supplanted all old assumptions. “Forget everything that I have said, or what President Brigham Young or… anyone else has said… that is contrary to the present revelation,” McConkie urged. “We spoke with a limited understanding… We have now had added a new flood of intelligence and light on this subject, and it erases all the darkness and all the views of the past” en.wikipedia.org[2]. In other words, prior teachings or conjectures about Black people and the priesthood “don’t matter anymore” in the light of God’s revealed will en.wikipedia.org[2]. This was a clear directive to let go of racist folklore and embrace the unity of God’s family.

The 1978 revelation is often likened by Latter-day Saints to the New Testament story of Peter’s revelation to take the gospel to the Gentiles (Acts 10)—a divine course-correction opening blessings to a group previously excluded. Church President Gordon B. Hinckley later testified that the 1978 event was undoubtedly “the mind and the will of the Lord”, recalling that sacred moment in the temple with reverence newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

Modern LDS Teachings on Race and Equality

In the decades since 1978, the LDS Church has worked to eliminate racism and make full inclusion a reality within its culture. The official stance today is one of total equality of races before God. In 2013, the Church published a comprehensive essay, “Race and the Priesthood,” which candidly acknowledged the ban’s history and disavowed previous justifications as rooted in racism rather than revelation archive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com. The Church affirmed that it “condemns all racism, past and present, in any form” archive.sltrib.com. It also clarified that the Church has no doctrine of curse or inferiority associated with skin color, and taught that God does not judge or favor His children on the basis of race churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This essay effectively “drained the ban of revelatory significance,” portraying it as a product of its time that eventually had to be corrected archive.sltrib.com. Scholars observed that this frank approach represented a maturation for the Church, aligning its narrative with historical truth and Gospel principles archive.sltrib.com.

Church leaders have repeatedly echoed these sentiments. For instance, in a notable sermon in 2006, President Gordon B. Hinckley deplored any lingering racial prejudice, declaring: “No man who makes disparaging remarks concerning those of another race can consider himself a true disciple of Christ. … There is no basis for racial hatred among the priesthood of this Church.” newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3]. He reminded the congregation that the 1978 revelation was rejoiced in, and that the gospel leaves no room for racism. More recently, Church President Russell M. Nelson (the current prophet) has actively reached out to leaders of the Black community and spoken of building bridges of respect and charity. In 2020, amid racial turmoil in the United States, President Nelson stated on social media: “We abhor racism… any sense of superiority of one race over another. Today I call upon our members everywhere to lead out in abandoning attitudes and actions of prejudice.” Such statements reinforce that anti-racism is now the expectation within the Church.

The membership of the Church today reflects increasing diversity. Since 1978, hundreds of thousands of individuals of African descent have joined the LDS Church churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. Thriving congregations exist in Africa, the Caribbean, Brazil, and throughout the world, led by local priesthood holders of all races. In 2019, Elder Peter M. Johnson became the first African-American General Authority (a senior leadership position) and many Black Latter-day Saints serve in prominent roles. In Africa, where the Church has grown rapidly, multiple temples now dot the continent—a visible symbol that all blessings of the faith are available to everyone.

Most importantly, LDS theology emphasizes that through Jesus Christ, all humanity can be “one”. The Book of Mormon verse often quoted states that the Lord “denieth none that come unto him, black and white, bond and free… all are alike unto God” (2 Nephi 26:33) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. The New Testament similarly teaches that God is “no respecter of persons” (Acts 10:34) churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. These scriptural foundations underpin the modern Church’s stance: the true value of a soul has nothing to do with race. Any attitudes or practices that suggest otherwise are contrary to the Gospel of Christ.

Addressing Criticisms and Misconceptions

Criticism 1: “Joseph Smith or God instituted the ban, so the Church was following God’s will in being racist.”

Fact Check: This claim is not supported by historical evidence. As shown above, Joseph Smith did not start a priesthood ban—he ordained Black men and preached against slavery churchofjesuschrist.org[1] archive.sltrib.com. The ban began under Brigham Young in 1852, influenced by worldly racismarchive.sltrib.com. The Church today acknowledges the ban’s origins lay in cultural biases of that era, not an explicit commandment from Godarchive.sltrib.com. For faithful Latter-day Saints, this means the restriction was a policy allowed by God for a time, rather than a revealed eternal doctrine. In LDS belief, God sometimes allows His children (and even His Church leaders) to operate within the limitations of their environment until a greater light and knowledge is received (comparable to how ancient Israel operated under the law of Moses until Christ introduced a higher law). The 1978 revelation is understood as the moment when God definitively made His will known that all should be included—a course correction akin to Peter’s revelation to take the gospel to the Gentiles. Rather than seeing the ban as divine will, the Church sees the ending of the ban as divine will. President Kimball and the apostles specifically sought a revelation because they did not assume the policy was sacrosanct; they wanted God’s clear direction churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Criticism 2: “The LDS Church was just flat-out racist and only abandoned the ban due to public pressure or threats (not true revelation).”

Fact Check: There is no question that racist assumptions influenced many past Church leaders—the Church readily admits this and condemns past racism archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. However, the claim that external pressure alone caused the 1978 change oversimplifies what happened. In truth, decades of external pressure (1930s–1970s) did not by themselves move the Church to act. The Church had endured criticism and even costs (e.g., public boycotts) for years, yet leaders remained firm that only a divine revelation could legitimately end the policy en.wikipedia.org[2]. In fact, the ban was lifted after the height of civil rights activism, not during its peak—by 1978, social pressure had somewhat subsided compared to the 1960s. What truly catalyzed the change was a combination of practical church growth needs and, fundamentally, spiritual seeking by the prophet. President Spencer W. Kimball was deeply troubled by the dissonance between the Church’s universal message and the exclusion of Blacks churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. He wore out his knees in prayer about it. The historical record (including diaries and statements from those present) affirms that Kimball and the apostles experienced a profound revelatory event on June 1, 1978 en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. LDS leaders consistently testify that this change came by divine revelation, not merely by human decision. President Kimball presented the matter for divine approval even when a majority of apostles were inclined to change—underscoring his desire to have God’s confirmation rather than caving to opinion en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2]. In LDS belief, this makes a crucial difference: it was God’s church to direct. The overwhelming joy and spiritual outpouring reported by those in 1978 and by members worldwide is seen by believers as evidence of God’s hand. Even some outside observers, while skeptical of prophetic claims, have noted that the Church structure and culture required a spiritual solution to this issue, not just a policy tweak. In short, yes, public pressure and the moral zeitgeist set the stage, but the Church maintains that only revelation—not rebellion—ended the ban newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

Criticism 3: “Mormon leaders taught racist doctrines before 1978, so how can they be prophets? Why trust a church that promoted racism?”

Fact Check: It is an undeniable fact that some past LDS leaders made racist statements that are disturbing to read now. Quotes from Brigham Young, Joseph Fielding Smith, Mark E. Petersen, and others reflecting theories of Black inferiority or curses are often cited by critics. The LDS Church today agrees that those ideas were wrong. It has explicitly rejected the previous teachings that were used to justify the ban archive.sltrib.com churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. This renunciation is essentially an admission that those leaders were speaking from limited human understanding, not from divine revelation, on this topic. Latter-day Saints reconcile this by understanding that prophets are mortals who (except when moved upon by the Holy Spirit) can err in cultural opinions.

LDS scripture does not teach prophetic infallibility; indeed, prophets have historically made mistakes (e.g., biblical figures like Peter showed bias until corrected—see Galatians 2:11-14). What matters in Mormon belief is that when the Lord does speak, His authorized servants follow that direction. In 1978, the living prophet and apostles demonstrated humility and willingness to set aside all prior teachings once God’s will was revealed. Elder Bruce R. McConkie’s instruction to “forget everything” said before that was contrary to the new revelation encapsulates this stance en.wikipedia.org[2]. That may be unsatisfying to some, but to Church members it shows that the Church can receive new light and adjust, which is a core tenet of a living church led by ongoing revelation. In evaluating the prophetic gift, Latter-day Saints look at the totality of a prophet’s teachings and the fruits thereof. Spencer W. Kimball’s courageous pursuit of the 1978 revelation is seen as a fruit of true prophetic leadership, correcting a past wrong. The Church also believes that God will judge past leaders by the knowledge and context they had—many spoke paternalistically but may not have fully grasped the hurt caused. What’s clear now is that racism of any kind is sinful and contrary to God’s will, and any past statements otherwise were in error. Modern prophets have borne strong witness of this truth newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3]. In sum, while past leaders said things that we now condemn, LDS belief holds that prophetic authority is still valid—prophets are divinely authorized but not omniscient, and revelation unfolds progressively (“line upon line, precept upon precept”).

Criticism 4: “Why hasn’t the LDS Church issued a formal apology for the priesthood ban?”

Fact Check: This is a question even many faithful Latter-day Saints have pondered. It is true that the Church as an institution has not formally apologized for the ban or the past racism associated with it en.wikipedia.org[2]. Some other religious organizations (e.g., the Catholic Church, Southern Baptist Convention) have issued apologies for past racism or segregation. The LDS Church’s approach has been slightly different: rather than an apology, it has issued powerful acknowledgments and condemnations of the past policy and its premises. The 2013 Race and the Priesthood essay, for example, essentially said the ban was wrong-headed and hurtful, even if it stopped short of the word “sorry.”

Church leaders have expressed regret and sorrow for the pain caused. For instance, in 2018 at the 40th anniversary of the revelation, Elder Dallin H. Oaks (now First Counselor in the First Presidency) reflected on the “hurt” that the restriction caused and urged members to “heed the commandment to love one another” and move forward in unity en.wikipedia.org[2]. He also noted that the reasons for the ban were not fully known and that the Lord “rarely gives reasons” for commandments, implying that sometimes we are simply tested by things we don’t understand en.wikipedia.org[2]. The lack of a formal apology may be due to several factors: (1) a concern that apologizing for a past policy implemented by revered prophets could shake members’ faith in prophetic leadership; (2) a belief that the 1978 revelation and subsequent statements speak for themselves in correcting the injustice; or (3) a desire to focus on the future rather than rehash the past. That said, nothing doctrinal prevents an apology, and some LDS leaders (in personal capacities) have made reconciliatory gestures. For example, President Gordon B. Hinckley, in a meeting with a Black congregation in 2006, personally apologized for any pain caused by past racism blacklatterdaysaints.org patheos.com[4].

Ultimately, whether an official apology comes or not, the Church’s emphasis has been on changing hearts and ensuring such discrimination never recurs. From a believer’s perspective, the sincerest form of apology is in the Church’s actions: vigorously rooting out racism among its membership and leadership, which it continues to strive to do.

In weighing these criticisms, one must remember that the LDS Church today stands firmly for racial equality and unity. The journey from 19th-century attitudes to current teachings has been one of significant transformation—what one historian called “another step in the maturation” of the faitharchive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com. It requires Latter-day Saints to reconcile faith in prophetic guidance with the reality of human influence. Many have found resolution in trusting that God, in His own time, set right what needed to be set right, and that the Restored Church is capable of growth and repentance. The objective truth is that the priesthood ban was an error born of prejudice; the faithful LDS perspective is that God allowed it for a time for His own purposes (known or unknown) and then, when the time was right, He corrected it through revelation.

Conclusion

The history of the LDS Church’s priesthood and race policy is a sobering example of how divine principles can be obscured by mortal traditions—and how truth prevails through continuing revelation. For 126 years, Black Latter-day Saints bore a heavy burden with grace and faith, looking forward to the day of inclusion. That day arrived in 1978, which stands as a testament that, in the LDS view, the Lord leads His Church in His own due time. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints today affirms that the worth of souls is great in the sight of God—all souls, without exception. It teaches that God “hath made of one blood all nations” (Acts 17:26) and that no person should be denied any blessing because of color or ethnicity churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

By confronting its past, the Church has learned vital lessons. It has publicly disavowed past folklore and racism churchofjesuschrist.org[1], and in doing so, it offers a message of repentance and hope. The narrative of priesthood and race is now presented openly, not to blame past generations, but to ensure that such errors are not repeated. Members are taught to examine any cultural or personal prejudices and root them out, for one cannot be a true disciple of Christ while harboring racism newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3]. In recent years, the Church has partnered with the NAACP and other groups to further racial harmony, showing its commitment to live the principle that “[God] denieth none that come unto Him” churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

For those struggling with this chapter of LDS history, it is hoped that this comprehensive exploration provides clarity. The objective facts show a church grappling with the paradox of divine gospel and human weakness. The LDS perspective finds resolution in a God who ultimately “will have all men to come unto him” and who requires His followers to overcome prejudice. The Church professes that it is “bound by the Lord”—meaning it moves according to revelation. Sometimes, as in this case, waiting on the Lord’s timing tested patience and compassion. But when that timing was fulfilled, the result was a profound affirmation that God’s love is for everyone—with the Church leadership, membership, and doctrine finally aligned with that eternal truth.

In sum, the priesthood and race issue in Mormonism teaches that while institutions and people may falter, truth and righteousness have the power to triumph over tradition. The LDS Church today wants the world to understand that any notions of racial hierarchy were wrong and are not part of what it stands for. It declares with prophetic clarity that “anyone who is righteous—regardless of race—is favored of [God]” churchofjesuschrist.org[1]. All are invited to partake of every blessing the Lord offers. With this understanding, Latter-day Saints strive to move forward as one family of God, healed by Christ’s love, and united in the knowledge that indeed “black and white, bond and free”—and all shades in between—are alike unto God churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Sources:

Gospel Topics Essay: “Race and the Priesthood,” The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1] churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

The Salt Lake Tribune, “Mormon church traces black priesthood ban to Brigham Young,” Peggy Fletcher Stack (Dec. 2013) archive.sltrib.com archive.sltrib.com.

Minutes of Utah Territorial Legislature, Jan–Feb 1852 (Brigham Young’s speeches) as cited in Gospel Topics essay churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Lester E. Bush Jr., “Mormonism’s Negro Doctrine: An Historical Overview,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 8:1 (1973), and Newell G. Bringhurst, Saints, Slaves, and Blacks (1981)—scholarly works establishing the ban’s origin with Brigham Young.

Gregory A. Prince, David O. McKay and the Rise of Modern Mormonism (2005)—discusses McKay’s attempts to change the policy churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Edward L. Kimball, “Spencer W. Kimball and the Revelation on Priesthood,” BYU Studies 47:2 (2008)—details the events leading to the 1978 revelation en.wikipedia.org[2] en.wikipedia.org[2].

Official Declaration 2 (1978), Doctrine and Covenants—the formal announcement of the revelation ending the ban churchofjesuschrist.org[1].

Bruce R. McConkie, “All Are Alike Unto God,” speech Aug. 1978—instructing members to discard previous racist teachings en.wikipedia.org[2].

Gordon B. Hinckley, “The Need for Greater Kindness,” Conference talk, Apr. 2006—denouncing racial intolerance among Church members newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3] newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org[3].

Dallin H. Oaks, remarks at 40th Anniversary of the Revelation, June 2018—acknowledging pain of pre-1978 policy and urging unity en.wikipedia.org[2].

These sources and the LDS Church’s own statements make it clear that while the Church’s past on racial matters is complicated and regrettable, its present and future are focused on living the truth that God’s priesthood and blessings are for every one of His children. The Church asks its members and the public to judge it by its fruits today—by the lives of Latter-day Saints who strive to love one another without regard to race, truly modeling the belief that we are all brothers and sisters in the family of God.

Footnotes

  1. https://www.churchofjesuschrist.org/study/manual/gospel-topics-essays/race-and-the-priesthood?lang=eng ↩︎
  2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1978_Revelation_on_Priesthood ↩︎
  3. https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/ldsnewsroom/eng/background-information/president-gordon-b-hinckley-on-racial-intolerance ↩︎
  4. https://www.patheos.com/latter-day-saint/pastor-to-pastor-margaret-blair-young-09-18-2012?p=2 ↩︎